印度的信息自由、表达权和社交媒体

Q3 Social Sciences Interactive Entertainment Law Review Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI:10.4337/IELR.2020.02.02
Meera Mathew
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引用次数: 0

摘要

人民的知情权、持有意见的权利、获得信息的权利、寻求和接受信息的权利以及传播和传播思想的权利,不分国界,都受到所有民主国家言论自由的宪法权利的保护。这种告知和传播新闻的义务无疑是赋予媒体作为第四权力和监督者的责任,从而使它能够对国家的工作进行适当的检查和监督。因此,它要求一个强大、独立和资源充足的媒体运作,以服务于公众利益,并建立和保持高水平的新闻工作。随着媒体概念的改变,以及社交媒体和互动娱乐平台的流行,用户撰写内容,编辑内容并向公众传播,问题出现了,社交媒体是否真的像我们的宪法起草者所设想的那样发挥“媒体”的作用。向公众准确地传播信息是神圣不可侵犯的义务,如果这种义务受到影响,民主大厦就会被摧毁。传统媒体依赖于已传播的内容,现在它转向了一个系统,在这个系统中,普通公民有能力管理媒体技术,并通知自己的故事,创造更多出于商业目的的趋势。这种被称为媒体形态的变化也粉碎了获得准确信息的权利。在此背景下,本文探讨了越来越频繁的虚假信息——有时被国家和非国家利益相关者在社交媒体上称为“错误信息”或“假新闻”,以及它们可能是导致部分或关键来源的各种问题。报告还批判性地评估了各国有义务为言论自由创造有利的环境,包括鼓励和捍卫各种媒体,同时减少向其人民传播任何形式的错误信息。从这篇文章的标题可以明显看出,信息自由相对于传播自由的法理方面是在主要审查重点的地方进行审查的-如果媒体被用来监督政府的交易并作为公众知情权的捍卫者,随着社交媒体的出现,已经偏离了这一宪法义务。此外,还将分析“传播信息的表达方式”和“这种信息传播的限制范围”之间的关系。为了说明,印度的法律框架被使用和应用。在结论中,作者试图质疑社交媒体作为“中介”和“媒体”所享有的无端利益,从而思考当前印度的法律框架是否足以处理其后果。
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Freedom of information, right to express and social media in India
People's right to know, to hold opinions, right to access, to seek and receive information, as well as to disseminate and impart ideas, despite frontiers, are protected under all democratic nations' constitutional right of freedom of expression. This duty to inform and disseminate news is undoubtedly the responsibility vested with media as the fourth estate and as a watchdog thereby enabling it to exert due checks and monitors on the working of the nation. By this, it mandates a strong, independent and adequately resourced media to operate in order to serve the general public interest and to place and keep up high standards of journalism. With the changing notions of media and with the prevalence of social media and interactive entertainment platforms, where users write the content, edit the same and disseminate it to the public, the question arises if social media does indeed actually function as ‘media’ as envisioned by our constitutional drafters. Disseminating information accurately to the public is a sacrosanct duty and if such a duty gets affected, the edifice of democracy is devastated. From the traditional media having reliance on what had been circulated, it moved to a system where the ordinary citizen has the capability to manage media technologies and notify own stories creating trends more for a business purpose. This change as named as media-morphosis has also crushed the right to be informed accurately. Against this backdrop, this article addresses the rising frequency of disinformation ‒ occasionally indicated as ‘misinformation’ or ‘fake news’ in social media, inflamed by both states and non-state stakeholders, plus the diverse issues to which they perhaps are a causative part or key source. It also critically evaluates the obligation states have to enable a conducive environment for freedom of expression that comprise encouraging and defending diverse media however, simultaneously, to curtail any sort of misinformation being disseminated to its people. As is evident from the title of this article, the jurisprudential aspects of freedom of information vis-a-vis the freedom to disseminate are examined where the primary examination focus is on – if media that is used to keep a watchful eye on the dealings of government and act as a champion of the public's right to know, has departed from this constitutional duty with the emergence of social media. Moreover, the nexus between ‘contours of expression to disseminate the information’ and ‘extent of limitations as to such information dissemination’ will be analysed. To illustrate, Indian legal framework is used and applied. In its conclusion the author endeavours to question the unwarranted benefit social media enjoys as ‘intermediary’ and as ‘media’ thereby ponders if the current Indian legal framework is adequate to deal with the ramifications.
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