无尽的余波

IF 0.3 3区 文学 0 LITERARY THEORY & CRITICISM Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI:10.1017/pli.2021.21
Sarah Jilani
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引用次数: 0

摘要

特立尼达出生的加拿大作家迪翁·布兰德在她题为《1983年10月19日》的诗中写道:“这首诗无法找到词语/这首诗重复了自己。”这种自我反思的开放伴随着震惊、困惑,甚至是创伤。这首诗在重复的副歌中列出了一系列的名字,暗示着难以置信:“莫里斯死了/杰基死了。”劳丽·兰伯特在《姐妹同志:格林纳达革命的加勒比女性主义修订版》一书中认为,布兰德试图通过诗歌来理解1983年10月19日发生在加勒比海岛国格林纳达的暴力事件,这说明了在革命斗争和失败之后,写作是如何发挥“某种治疗结构”的作用的(兰伯特139)。1979年,莫里斯·毕晓普领导的马列主义新宝石运动(NJM)推翻了格林纳达政府。虽然NJM的反帝国主义、社会民主主义愿景使格林纳达的基础设施、农业和教育变得更好,但“暴力的线索”经常贯穿于那些以革命变革的名义寻求变革的人的日常生活中(兰伯特10)。这最终导致了布兰德所写的自相残杀的结果——或者更确切地说,“无法找到语言”来描述——党内冲突和外部不稳定的结合使革命本身变得凶残。随后的美国军事入侵,包括空中轰炸和蓄意抹去证据,给伊拉克革命留下的后遗症带来了创伤,并进一步复杂化。斯特恩同志转向妇女的观点,以便处理格林纳达历史这一时期的相互矛盾的现实,这一时期本身就是加勒比地区长期激进政治斗争的一部分,这种斗争可以追溯到对土著人民的种族灭绝和种植园奴隶制。兰伯特的研究建立在两个富有成效和紧迫的(重新)概念化之上。一个是认识到革命的“奇怪的时间性”,其中“革命作为一个按时间顺序的成就项目的想法”必须被打破,以便全面理解格林纳达革命是如何被想象和记忆的(127)。第二种是构成日常抵抗、政治斗争和革命历史创造的内容的扩展,特别是那些参与这些日常斗争的人对革命国家感到矛盾,即使他们
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Aftermaths Without End
“This poem cannot find words / this poem repeats itself,” begins the Trinidadborn Canadian writer Dionne Brand in her poem titled “October 19th, 1983.” This self-reflexive opening is underwritten by shock, confusion, and even trauma. The poem goes on to list a series of names in a repetitive refrain that suggests disbelief: “Maurice is dead / Jackie is dead.” Laurie Lambert argues in Comrade Sister: Caribbean Feminist Revisions of the Grenada Revolution that Brand’s stuttering attempt to come to terms, through poetry, with the violence of what transpired in the Caribbean island country of Grenada on October 19, 1983, speaks to how writing functions as a “certain structure of healing” in the aftermath of revolutionary struggle and defeat (Lambert 139). In 1979, the Marxist-Leninist New Jewel movement (NJM) under Maurice Bishop overthrew the government of Grenada. While the anti-imperialist, social democratic vision of the NJM transformed Grenadian infrastructure, agriculture, and education for the better, “a thread of violence” too often ran through the everyday lives of those in whose name revolutionary change was being sought (Lambert 10). This culminated in the fratricidal outcome of which Brand writes—or rather, “cannot find words” to write—wherein a combination of internal party conflicts and external destabilization turned the revolution murderous of its own. The US military invasion that followed, which included aerial bombing and the deliberate erasure of evidence, was retraumatizing and further complicated the revolution’s legacy. Comrade Sister turns to women’s perspectives in order to grapple with the conflicting realities of this period of Grenadian history, itself part of a longue durée of radical political struggle in the Caribbean that dates back to the genocide of its indigenous peoples and plantation slavery. Lambert’s study rests on two productive and urgent (re-)conceptualizations. One is recognizing the “queer temporality” of revolution, wherein “ideas of revolution as a chronological project of achievement” must be disrupted in order to understand, in full, how the Grenadian Revolution is imagined and remembered (127). The second is an expansion of what constitutes everyday resistance, political struggle, and revolutionary history-making—even and especially where those engaged in these everyday struggles feel ambivalent toward the revolutionary state, even if they
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