与鳄鱼一起游泳:南非的土地、暴力和归属感,1800-1996

S. Mkhize
{"title":"与鳄鱼一起游泳:南非的土地、暴力和归属感,1800-1996","authors":"S. Mkhize","doi":"10.1080/02590123.2019.1684635","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In the mid-1980s, I spent a number of years documenting political events unfolding in both the Natal province and the ‘homeland’ of KwaZulu (as the patchwork region of apartheidconstituted territories was then called). The events in question were related to the formation and ongoing activities of a popular movement mobilised around ideas of Zulu cultural tradition, an identity politics represented by its leadership in the terms of ‘nation’; that is, arguing for the primacy of an ethnic national form of subjecthood and belonging. Nation and self-determination were, after all, discourses with legitimacy: struggles over who could sit at the gates guarding, or presiding over, a given ‘peoplehood’ were influencing political confrontations in many other parts of the world. Inmy research, Iwas concerned about a leader’s own ‘appetite for power’, his co-leaders and close followers, and their collective brokering of a politics centred on ethnic ‘Zuluness’ over and apart from a broader ‘South African’ vision of national unification. Yet, I had confidence that people mobilised by Inkathawere not pawns of leadership, nor of a third force (although I did take seriously the power of Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi’s authority as well as that of armed state intervention). I acknowledged the reality of large numbers of local people seeing themselves, and their own concerns and future, mirrored in the call to local, cultural solidarity, and in the proposals for federalism, aligned to industrial zoning, jobs, the disciplining of youth and the organisationally linked educational curriculum that Buthelezi promoted. That many also did not accept Inkatha’s conception of belonging was also increasingly clear. The stakes proved extremely high. In the violence of the later 1980s and early 1990s, about 18,000 people lost their lives and many more lost family members, their security, homes and property. ‘Ordinary people’ were overwhelmingly affected by this civil war, even as the leadership resolved their differences or shifted in their alliances. The Zulu king, Goodwill Zwelithini, long a stalwart and unifying symbol of Inkatha, switched his allegiance with ANC","PeriodicalId":88545,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Natal and Zulu history","volume":"33 1","pages":"104 - 115"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02590123.2019.1684635","citationCount":"4","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"To Swim with Crocodiles: Land, Violence, and Belonging in South Africa, 1800–1996\",\"authors\":\"S. Mkhize\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/02590123.2019.1684635\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"In the mid-1980s, I spent a number of years documenting political events unfolding in both the Natal province and the ‘homeland’ of KwaZulu (as the patchwork region of apartheidconstituted territories was then called). The events in question were related to the formation and ongoing activities of a popular movement mobilised around ideas of Zulu cultural tradition, an identity politics represented by its leadership in the terms of ‘nation’; that is, arguing for the primacy of an ethnic national form of subjecthood and belonging. Nation and self-determination were, after all, discourses with legitimacy: struggles over who could sit at the gates guarding, or presiding over, a given ‘peoplehood’ were influencing political confrontations in many other parts of the world. Inmy research, Iwas concerned about a leader’s own ‘appetite for power’, his co-leaders and close followers, and their collective brokering of a politics centred on ethnic ‘Zuluness’ over and apart from a broader ‘South African’ vision of national unification. Yet, I had confidence that people mobilised by Inkathawere not pawns of leadership, nor of a third force (although I did take seriously the power of Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi’s authority as well as that of armed state intervention). I acknowledged the reality of large numbers of local people seeing themselves, and their own concerns and future, mirrored in the call to local, cultural solidarity, and in the proposals for federalism, aligned to industrial zoning, jobs, the disciplining of youth and the organisationally linked educational curriculum that Buthelezi promoted. That many also did not accept Inkatha’s conception of belonging was also increasingly clear. The stakes proved extremely high. In the violence of the later 1980s and early 1990s, about 18,000 people lost their lives and many more lost family members, their security, homes and property. ‘Ordinary people’ were overwhelmingly affected by this civil war, even as the leadership resolved their differences or shifted in their alliances. The Zulu king, Goodwill Zwelithini, long a stalwart and unifying symbol of Inkatha, switched his allegiance with ANC\",\"PeriodicalId\":88545,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Journal of Natal and Zulu history\",\"volume\":\"33 1\",\"pages\":\"104 - 115\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2019-01-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02590123.2019.1684635\",\"citationCount\":\"4\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Journal of Natal and Zulu history\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/02590123.2019.1684635\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Natal and Zulu history","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02590123.2019.1684635","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 4
查看原文
分享 分享
微信好友 朋友圈 QQ好友 复制链接
本刊更多论文
To Swim with Crocodiles: Land, Violence, and Belonging in South Africa, 1800–1996
In the mid-1980s, I spent a number of years documenting political events unfolding in both the Natal province and the ‘homeland’ of KwaZulu (as the patchwork region of apartheidconstituted territories was then called). The events in question were related to the formation and ongoing activities of a popular movement mobilised around ideas of Zulu cultural tradition, an identity politics represented by its leadership in the terms of ‘nation’; that is, arguing for the primacy of an ethnic national form of subjecthood and belonging. Nation and self-determination were, after all, discourses with legitimacy: struggles over who could sit at the gates guarding, or presiding over, a given ‘peoplehood’ were influencing political confrontations in many other parts of the world. Inmy research, Iwas concerned about a leader’s own ‘appetite for power’, his co-leaders and close followers, and their collective brokering of a politics centred on ethnic ‘Zuluness’ over and apart from a broader ‘South African’ vision of national unification. Yet, I had confidence that people mobilised by Inkathawere not pawns of leadership, nor of a third force (although I did take seriously the power of Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi’s authority as well as that of armed state intervention). I acknowledged the reality of large numbers of local people seeing themselves, and their own concerns and future, mirrored in the call to local, cultural solidarity, and in the proposals for federalism, aligned to industrial zoning, jobs, the disciplining of youth and the organisationally linked educational curriculum that Buthelezi promoted. That many also did not accept Inkatha’s conception of belonging was also increasingly clear. The stakes proved extremely high. In the violence of the later 1980s and early 1990s, about 18,000 people lost their lives and many more lost family members, their security, homes and property. ‘Ordinary people’ were overwhelmingly affected by this civil war, even as the leadership resolved their differences or shifted in their alliances. The Zulu king, Goodwill Zwelithini, long a stalwart and unifying symbol of Inkatha, switched his allegiance with ANC
求助全文
通过发布文献求助,成功后即可免费获取论文全文。 去求助
来源期刊
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
期刊最新文献
Voices of Liberation: Fatima Meer, a Free Mind Neglected Archive: Museum Collections of Locally Forged Hoes as Evidence of Contributions by Women to the Agricultural Economy of the Phongolo-Mzimkhulu Region Prior to the Twentieth Century Racial and Generational Issues in Competitive Cycle Racing in Durban in the Closing Decades of the Twentieth Century: A Case Study of the Triangle Cycling Club Editorial Indenture in Language: The Words the Workers Made
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
已复制链接
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
×
扫码分享
扫码分享
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1