合作或胁迫:中国的抗议目标和大规模暴力

IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES China-An International Journal Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI:10.1353/chn.2022.0036
Wei-Feng Tzeng, Hsin-Hsien Wang
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引用次数: 0

摘要

摘要:威权国家内部的政府分歧如何影响抗议结果?在这篇文章中,作者提出了两种不同的机制——“选择”和“胁迫”——来捕捉抗议目标类型与抗议事件引发的暴力之间的关系。“共同选择”假说提出,与反对行政部门的抗议相比,反对司法和安全部门的抗议更有可能演变成暴力,因为抗议者预计没有财政资源分配的司法和安全机构不会带来实质性的经济回报。“胁迫”假说认为,由于公众害怕控制国家胁迫手段的司法或军事部门的暴力镇压,针对司法和安全部门的抗议活动发生大规模暴力的风险低于针对行政部门的抗议。通过分析2006年至2017年间中国抗议活动的一组独特数据,作者发现,与反对非政府目标的抗议活动相比,涉及行政部门的抗议活动演变为暴力的可能性要小得多,而针对司法或安全部门的抗议活动更可能涉及大规模暴力。研究结果表明,威权政权中的抗议暴力与威权政府内部的组织分裂有关,对这种关系的解释侧重于分支机构是否有能力分配大量经济资源,而不是分支机构是否控制胁迫力量来恐吓公众。
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Co-optation or Coercion: Protest Targeting and Mass Violence in China
Abstract:How do governmental divisions within an authoritarian state influence protest outcomes? In this article, the authors propose two divergent mechanisms—"co-optation" and "coercion"—to capture the relationships between types of protest target and the violence that results from protest events. The "co-optation" hypothesis proposes that protests against judicial and security branches will be more likely to become violent compared to those against the administrative ones because protesters anticipate no substantial economic return from judicial and security branches that do not have financial resources at hand to distribute. The "coercion" hypothesis proposes that protests targeting judicial and security branches pose a lower risk of mass violence than those targeting administrative ones due to the public's fear of violent crackdowns by judicial or military branches that control the state's coercive means. Analysing a unique data set of protest events in China between 2006 and 2017, the authors find that protests involving administrative divisions are significantly less likely to turn violent when compared to those opposing nongovernmental targets, while protests targeting judicial or security divisions are significantly more likely to involve mass violence. The findings suggest that protest violence in authoritarian regimes is associated with the organisational divisions within an authoritarian government, and the explanation of the relations focuses on whether the branches have the co-optation capacity to allocate substantial economic resources instead of whether the branches control the coercive forces to intimidate the public.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.90
自引率
0.00%
发文量
32
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