中亚:走向政治成熟的崎岖之路

Q3 Social Sciences Central Asia and the Caucasus Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI:10.37178/ca-c.21.4.04
O. Karpovich
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引用次数: 0

摘要

苏联解体后,哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦、土库曼斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦等新的中亚独立国家取代了苏联的中亚共和国和哈萨克斯坦。到这些国家获得独立时,它们已经形成了具体的治理机制:共产党和国家结构在很大程度上依赖于从遥远的过去继承下来的某些地区氏族决策原则。这些新成立的国家立即宣布,它们将努力建立西方式的政治制度。他们选举了总统和议会,建立了司法体系,但事实证明,政治精英们无法实现他们口头上支持的西方民主标准。在过去的30年里,曾经主宰并仍然是各自国家的主导人物,负责国内和外交政策的国家元首在没有任何真正竞争的情况下相互取代。该地区没有一个州可以夸耀自己的总统选举竞争激烈。另一方面,尽管它们的政治发展可能具有外部相似性,但由于它们的历史、文化和心态的不同,仍然存在许多差异。在苏联时期被掩盖起来的地区宗族划分,作为一个重要的、极具影响力的特征重新出现。哈萨克斯坦被分为诸侯;吉尔吉斯斯坦正处于南部和北部持续的地区对抗之中;在塔吉克斯坦、土库曼斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦,地区部族逐渐获得了很大的政治影响力。这意味着所有中亚国家的领导人都不得不考虑集团和氏族的利益以及不同部落之间的关系,这不可避免地影响到治理原则和官员的选择。苏联退出舞台后上台的领导人的个人特征以及他们对正在进行的进程的解释在地区发展,地区国家之间的关系,地区权力平衡和政治局势中发挥了巨大作用。今天,除塔吉克斯坦外,上述所有国家或在国内政治动荡中,或通过同一集团内部的权力交接,选出了新总统。这意味着,在所有中亚国家,总统选举不是被视为权力更迭的工具,而是被视为继续掌权的工具。复杂的经济形势、域外势力给地区政治精英施加压力,加上近期新冠肺炎疫情加剧了社会经济问题,对中亚政治经济稳定不利。
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CENTRAL ASIA: THE BUMPY ROAD TOWARDS POLITICAL MATURITY
Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the new Central Asian independent states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan replaced the Soviet republics of Central (Sredniaia) Asia and Kazakhstan. By the time they gained independence, these countries had already developed specific mechanisms of governance: The Communist Party and state structures had relied, to a great extent, on certain regional clan principles of decision-making inherited from their distant past. The new states immediately declared that they would strive to build Western-style political systems. They elected their presidents and parliaments, set up judicial systems, yet the political elites proved unable to realize the democratic standards of the West they supported in words. Over the course of three decades, heads of state, who dominated and still remain the dominant figures in their countries and are responsible for domestic and foreign policies have replaced each other without any real competition. None of the regional states can boast of competitive presidential elections. On the other hand, even though their political development may have external similarities, there are still numerous differences rooted in their very different past, cultures and mentalities. The regional clan division, swept under the carpet during the Soviet period, was revived as an important and highly influential feature. Kazakhstan was divided into zhuzes; Kyrgyzstan is in the midst of an ongoing regional confrontation between the South and the North; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan regional clans have gradually gained a lot of political weight. This means that the leaders of all Central Asian countries had no choice but to take into account the interests of groups and clans and the ties between different tribes, which inevitably affected the principles of governance and choice of officials. The personal characteristics of leaders who came to power after the Soviet Union had left the stage and their interpretations of the ongoing processes played a huge role in regional developments, the relationships between the regional states, the regional balance of power and the political situation. Today, all the above-mentioned countries with the exception of Tajikistan, have elected new presidents either amid domestic political turmoil or through a power transit within the same group. This means that in all Central Asian countries presidential elections are not seen as an instrument of change of power but, rather, as an instrument of remaining in power. The complicated economic situation, the non-regional actors that put pressure on the local political elites and, recently, the COVID-19 pandemic, which intensified the social and economic problems, did nothing positive for the political and economic stability in Central Asia.
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Central Asia and the Caucasus
Central Asia and the Caucasus Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
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