{"title":"不遵守法律","authors":"Timothy Meyer","doi":"10.4337/9781800883963.00016","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Michael Reisman once wrote that “international lawyers frequently respond to the appearance of a discrepancy between existing and emerging legal arrangements by heatedly rejecting the new with a fury of virtuous unanimity against the evil whose name is Change.” This quote is never more true than when international lawyers consider the role of lawbreaking in lawmaking. While civil disobedience has a safe — and in some countries revered — legacy as a means of prodding governments to make laws more consonant with modern notions of justice, commenters are not similarly sanguine in discussing noncompliance as a lawmaking device in international law. Lawbreaking is often viewed as antithetical to the values underlying the law of nations and a challenge to the enterprise of international law. \nYet, as this Chapter explains, in certain circumstances it makes perfect sense to talk about noncompliance as lawmaking. Indeed, far from representing a challenge to international law, recognizing the juris-generative role of noncompliance reveals that some violations demonstrate a state’s commitment to international law’s collective endeavor. States sometimes violate the law in order to improve it, just as those who engage in civil disobedience do so in order to change it for the better. Descriptively, I argue that for noncompliance to be an effective lawmaking technique, it must 1) be public; 2) carry with it a credible threat to continue the violation indefinitely; 3) the normative content of the violation must be acceptable to other states as an alternative rule; and 4) the violator’s relative costs of lawmaking through noncompliance are less than they would be through conventional multilateral lawmaking channels. Normatively, allowing noncompliance to play a lawmaking role may be essential to the long-term viability of the international legal enterprise. While states cannot really exit their relationships with each other, international law lacks the constraints of the domestic system that prevent states from effectively exiting their legal obligations by persistently violating the law. Given this limitation, turning some violations into constructive acts of lawmaking may enhance the viability of the international legal system, rather than undermine it.","PeriodicalId":74863,"journal":{"name":"SSRN","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2021-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Noncompliance as law-making\",\"authors\":\"Timothy Meyer\",\"doi\":\"10.4337/9781800883963.00016\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Michael Reisman once wrote that “international lawyers frequently respond to the appearance of a discrepancy between existing and emerging legal arrangements by heatedly rejecting the new with a fury of virtuous unanimity against the evil whose name is Change.” This quote is never more true than when international lawyers consider the role of lawbreaking in lawmaking. While civil disobedience has a safe — and in some countries revered — legacy as a means of prodding governments to make laws more consonant with modern notions of justice, commenters are not similarly sanguine in discussing noncompliance as a lawmaking device in international law. Lawbreaking is often viewed as antithetical to the values underlying the law of nations and a challenge to the enterprise of international law. \\nYet, as this Chapter explains, in certain circumstances it makes perfect sense to talk about noncompliance as lawmaking. Indeed, far from representing a challenge to international law, recognizing the juris-generative role of noncompliance reveals that some violations demonstrate a state’s commitment to international law’s collective endeavor. States sometimes violate the law in order to improve it, just as those who engage in civil disobedience do so in order to change it for the better. Descriptively, I argue that for noncompliance to be an effective lawmaking technique, it must 1) be public; 2) carry with it a credible threat to continue the violation indefinitely; 3) the normative content of the violation must be acceptable to other states as an alternative rule; and 4) the violator’s relative costs of lawmaking through noncompliance are less than they would be through conventional multilateral lawmaking channels. Normatively, allowing noncompliance to play a lawmaking role may be essential to the long-term viability of the international legal enterprise. While states cannot really exit their relationships with each other, international law lacks the constraints of the domestic system that prevent states from effectively exiting their legal obligations by persistently violating the law. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
Michael Reisman曾经写道:“国际律师经常对现有的和新出现的法律安排之间的差异做出回应,他们以一种善良的一致反对邪恶的愤怒,强烈地拒绝新的法律安排,而这个邪恶的名字叫‘变化’。”当国际律师考虑违法行为在立法中的作用时,这句话再正确不过了。虽然公民抗命作为一种促使政府制定更符合现代正义观念的法律的手段有着安全的——在一些国家受到尊重的——遗产,但评论家们在讨论不服从作为国际法的立法手段时并不同样乐观。违法行为往往被视为与国际法的基本价值背道而驰,是对国际法事业的挑战。然而,正如本章所解释的,在某些情况下,把不遵守作为立法来讨论是完全有意义的。事实上,认识到不遵守行为的法理学生成作用,远不是对国际法的挑战,而是表明一些违反行为表明了一个国家对国际法集体努力的承诺。国家有时违反法律是为了改善法律,就像那些从事公民不服从的人这样做是为了使法律变得更好一样。概括地说,我认为不遵守要成为一种有效的立法手段,它必须1)公开;(2)带有继续无限期违反的可信威胁;3)违规行为的规范性内容必须为其他国家所接受,作为替代规则;4)违反者通过不合规进行立法的相对成本低于通过传统多边立法渠道进行立法的相对成本。从规范上讲,允许不遵守行为发挥立法作用可能对国际法律企业的长期生存能力至关重要。虽然国家之间不能真正退出它们之间的关系,但国际法缺乏国内制度的约束,无法阻止国家通过持续违反法律而有效地退出其法律义务。鉴于这种限制,将一些违反行为转变为建设性的立法行为可能会加强而不是破坏国际法律制度的活力。
Michael Reisman once wrote that “international lawyers frequently respond to the appearance of a discrepancy between existing and emerging legal arrangements by heatedly rejecting the new with a fury of virtuous unanimity against the evil whose name is Change.” This quote is never more true than when international lawyers consider the role of lawbreaking in lawmaking. While civil disobedience has a safe — and in some countries revered — legacy as a means of prodding governments to make laws more consonant with modern notions of justice, commenters are not similarly sanguine in discussing noncompliance as a lawmaking device in international law. Lawbreaking is often viewed as antithetical to the values underlying the law of nations and a challenge to the enterprise of international law.
Yet, as this Chapter explains, in certain circumstances it makes perfect sense to talk about noncompliance as lawmaking. Indeed, far from representing a challenge to international law, recognizing the juris-generative role of noncompliance reveals that some violations demonstrate a state’s commitment to international law’s collective endeavor. States sometimes violate the law in order to improve it, just as those who engage in civil disobedience do so in order to change it for the better. Descriptively, I argue that for noncompliance to be an effective lawmaking technique, it must 1) be public; 2) carry with it a credible threat to continue the violation indefinitely; 3) the normative content of the violation must be acceptable to other states as an alternative rule; and 4) the violator’s relative costs of lawmaking through noncompliance are less than they would be through conventional multilateral lawmaking channels. Normatively, allowing noncompliance to play a lawmaking role may be essential to the long-term viability of the international legal enterprise. While states cannot really exit their relationships with each other, international law lacks the constraints of the domestic system that prevent states from effectively exiting their legal obligations by persistently violating the law. Given this limitation, turning some violations into constructive acts of lawmaking may enhance the viability of the international legal system, rather than undermine it.