关于日本领土争端的思考

IF 0.4 4区 社会学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies Pub Date : 2017-11-01 DOI:10.21866/ESJEAS.2017.17.2.002
A. Dudden
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引用次数: 1

摘要

成均东亚研究杂志第17卷第2期©2017东亚研究院。149-162 DOI:10.21866/esjea.2017.17.2.002作者邮箱:alexis.dudden@uwnn.edu149简介1945年8月,在美国对广岛和长崎进行核破坏,用燃烧弹摧毁了日本其他60多个主要城市,并几乎摧毁了东海的琉球群岛(通常称为冲绳)之后,裕仁天皇宣布日本彻底失败。同样重要的是,俄罗斯废除了与日本的中立条约,苏联军队在帝国北部的满洲、朝鲜北部、库页岛南部和千岛群岛压倒了日本士兵和定居者。就在三年前,也就是日本帝国鼎盛时期,东京控制的领土从北太平洋阿拉斯加附近的阿留申群岛一直向南延伸,穿过马绍尔群岛和所罗门群岛,在澳大利亚上空盘旋,穿过新几内亚和印度尼西亚,再次向北穿过缅甸(现在的缅甸),包括中国沿海和中部的大部分地区以及满洲北部地区,然后再次向东穿过朝鲜返回日本本土。值得注意的是,日本控制了其中的太平洋空间,正如历史学家William Tsutsui所解释的那样,它在很大程度上也是一个“远洋帝国”(Tsutsui2013,21-38)。要实现对地球表面如此大面积的占领,就意味着国家规划者及其代理人——出生在日本的臣民和被殖民的人民——在日本与每个国际邻国发生领土争端期间,以对小岛屿的主权争夺的形式,指导了空间和生物的极其迅速的转变20世纪中期曾经是一个幅员辽阔的帝国。与此同时,最近出现的全球海洋法已经生根发芽,敦促一些民族主义者采取最大化的方法来定义各自国家的空间,尽管这些法律也允许采取更灵活的方法。在过去的二十年里,日本领导人明确表示,他们致力于国家政策和计划,将日本重新定位为一个海洋国家。因此,未来的问题是,日本领导人是会对日本采取一个僵化的定义,还是会采用一个更灵活的定义,强调周围海域的边界线
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Thinking about Japan's Territorial Disputes
Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.17 No.2 © 2017 Academy of East Asian Studies. 149-162 DOI: 10.21866/esjeas.2017.17.2.002 email of the author: alexis.dudden@uwnn.edu 149 Introduction In August 1945, Emperor Hirohito announced Japan’s total defeat in the wake of America’s nuclear destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the firebombing decimation of over sixty other major Japanese cities, and the near annihilation of the Ryukyu Islands in the East China Sea (more commonly known as Okinawa). Equally important, Russia abrogated its neutrality pact with Japan, and Soviet troops were overwhelming Japanese soldiers and settlers in the northern reaches of the nation’s empire in Manchuria, northern Korea, southern Sakhalin Island, and the Kuril Islands. Only three years earlier—the moment of the height of the Japanese empire—the territory that was under Tokyo’s control stretched from the Aleutian Islands off of Alaska in the northern Pacific all the way south through the Marshall Islands and the Solomon Islands, arching just above Australia through New Guinea and Indonesia, heading north again through Burma (now Myanmar), and including much of coastal and central China and the northern Manchurian region before heading east again through Korea back to Japan proper. Significantly, Japan controlled the Pacific Ocean space therein, making it, as historian William Tsutsui has explained, very much a “pelagic empire,” too (Tsutsui 2013, 21−38). To accomplish the capture of so much of the planet’s surface area meant that state planners and their agents—Japanese subjects by birth and colonized people as well—had directed an extremely rapid transformation of spaces and beings during Japan has territorial disputes with each of its international neighbors in the form of sovereignty contests over small islands that are shards of its once vast mid-twentieth century empire. In the meantime, recently emerging global ocean laws have taken root that urge some nationalists to take a maximalist approach to defining the space of their respective countries, although these same laws allow for more flexible approaches as well. In the past two decades, Japanese leaders have made clear that they are committed to national policies and planning that re-orient Japan again as a maritime nation. Moving forward, therefore, is the question of whether Japanese leaders will adopt a rigid definition for Japan or a more fluid one that emphasizes borderlines in the sea around
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