书评:知识产权与文化产权:市场与社区之间

Jose Bellido
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引用次数: 0

摘要

讨论维维里奥·德·卡斯特罗(Viverios de Castro)的受控模糊概念,它们为理解不同语言固有的文化和认识论分歧所面临的挑战提供了至关重要的见解。最后,第七章探讨了官方多语制在法律程序中创造可执行权利的程度。在她的思考中,梁思考了公平的法律理念和语言权利之间的紧张关系。例如,在针对特定语言的审判中选择陪审员时,就会出现这种紧张关系;陪审团应该由被告说少数民族语言的“同辈”组成,还是应该由特定司法管辖区的代表组成?梁振英还指出了其他一些矛盾,比如使用口译员和行使法官的解释权。这些矛盾凸显了法律所假定的普遍主义是如何与少数民族语言使用者的需求相冲突的。通过这种方式,本章讲述了罗伯特·阿曼(Robert Aman)在他的文章《跨文化教育中的殖民差异:安第斯山脉的跨文化性和跨文化对话的非殖民化》(2017)中所定义的跨文化性。因此,本章指出有必要更深入地研究法律的殖民性质以及法律价值与其他正义或公平的文化传统的不一致。为了进一步阐明语言权讨论中固有的紧张关系,有必要从非殖民化的角度出发。在她的结束语中,梁总结了在全球范围内讨论官方多语言的复杂性,因为它被制定和执行的方式五花八门。她拒绝评判多语制的价值,而是指出官方多语制的真正本质是权力和民族国家的生存。梁振英简洁地指出,“象征性的法理学和肤浅的平等都是战略多元主义政策的属性”,在这种政策中,官方语言的使用不是“本质上的公正或不公正”,而是“一个政体生存的可行策略”之一(249)。虽然可能有人认为单语制是不公平的,但这里的重点是,仅凭官方地位并不能确保语言的生存或可执行的语言权利。有鉴于此,将官方多语制视为一项始终未完成的事业是很重要的。虽然Leung确实谈到了官方地位的象征意义,但许多因素决定了一种语言在特定社会中的作用。对于那些已经取得官方地位,却因缺乏实质性的法律支持或保护而受挫的语言运动,梁对他们所采用的机制进行了清晰的分析,有时是反对的。虽然主要是法律分析,但对意识形态力量的关注使这本书对那些对语言社会学,社会语言学和语言规划振兴运动感兴趣的人文学科的人很重要。
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Book Review: Intellectual and Cultural Property: Between Market and Community
discussions of Viverios de Castro’s notion of controlled equivocation, they provide crucial insight into the challenges of understanding across the cultural and epistemological divides inherent in different languages. Finally, chapter 7 asks the extent to which official multilingualism has created enforceable rights in legal processes. In her consideration, Leung ponders the tensions between legal ideas of fairness and language rights. Such tensions arise, for example, with juror selection in language-specific trials; should the jury consist of a defendant’s “peers” who speak a minority language or should the jury be representative of a given jurisdiction? Leung also identifies other tensions such as those that occur with the use of interpreters and the exercise of interpretive powers held by judges. Many of these tensions highlight how the universalism assumed by law comes into conflict with the needs of minority language speakers. In this way, the chapter speaks to interculturalidad as conceptualized by Robert Aman in his article, “Colonial Differences in Intercultural Education: On Interculturality in the Andes and the Decolonization of Intercultural Dialogue” (2017). The chapter thus points to a need to look deeper into the colonial nature of law and the incongruence of legal values with other cultural traditions of justice or fairness. To further illuminate the tensions inherent in language right discussions, a decolonial perspective is necessary. In her concluding chapter, Leung summarizes the complexity of discussing official multilingualism on a global scale because of the sheer multitude of ways it has been enacted and enforced. She resists judging the value of multilingualism, noting instead the true nature of official multilingualism is power and nation-state survival. Leung succinctly states that “both symbolic jurisprudence and shallow equality are properties of a policy of strategic pluralism” where official language use is not “inherently just or unjust” but is instead one among other “viable strategies for the survival of a polity” (249). While it may be argued that monolingualism is unjust, the point here is that official status alone does not ensure linguistic survival or enforceable linguistic rights. In this light, it is important to think of official multilingualism as an always unfinished enterprise. While Leung does speak to the symbolic importance that official status can have, many factors determine the role of a language in a given society. For language movements that have achieved official status and are frustrated with the lack of substantial legal support or protection, Leung offers a clear analysis of the mechanisms they are working with, and sometimes against. While primarily a legal analysis, the focus on ideological forces makes this book important for those in the humanities interested in the sociology of language, sociolinguistics, and language planning for revitalization movements.
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