WTO特别保障机制:印度对当前悖论的看法

Saloni Khanderia
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引用次数: 0

摘要

虽然贸易自由化和关税的逐步降低带来了巨大的福利收益,但对于进口激增可能不利于通过粮食自给自足实现粮食安全目标的发展中国家来说,这可能是不可行的。因此,世界贸易组织的发展中国家成员国一直在提议建立一个“特别保障机制”。这将允许他们在农产品进口价格飙升或下跌的情况下采取措施,从而对这些国家的生计和粮食安全利益产生负面影响。在乌拉圭回合谈判中生效的世贸组织《农业协定》的背景下,这些审议获得了势头。因此,2005年在香港举行的世贸组织第六次部长级会议赋予发展中国家成员国诉诸s.s.M.的权利,因为进口激增可能使其农业部门面临更大的冲击。尽管如此,在具体方式方面缺乏共识,特别是美国和印度之间缺乏共识,导致了僵局。因此,在最近的2016年内罗毕部长级会议上,印度强烈反对进行任何进一步的谈判,特别是,关于《贸易便利化协定》(T.F.A.)。印度坚持认为,尽管《贸易便利协定》目前将其与生产价值的10%挂钩,但其支持粮食安全和公共库存的内部机制——这是一个政策空间问题——不应受到阻碍。因此,S.S.Ms.的任务在内罗毕部长级会议上具有更大的意义,因为这些模式可能允许发展中国家因农产品进口激增而提高关税,从而保障其粮食安全和生计问题。S.S.Ms.谈判对印度努力使其农业部门免受削弱其生计和粮食安全的进口泛滥的影响尤为重要。然而,它的成功取决于世贸组织成员国最终就这项权利的方式进行谈判的能力,如果没有谈判,它仍然是“口头上的”。因此,本文试图探讨印度在s.s.M.问题上坚持到底的动机,并认识到该国在世贸组织的立场似乎对在保护生计和粮食安全方面有类似焦虑的发展中国家成员国至关重要。它描述了这些方面的参数,考虑到印度的农业情况,这些参数可能是可行的。
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The WTO's Special Safeguard Mechanism: An Indian Perspective on the Present Paradox
While liberalisation of trade and the progressive reduction of tariffs have led to significant welfare gains, these may be unfeasible for developing countries where a surge in imports could potentially be detrimental to realising the objective of food security through food self-sufficiency. Developing country members of the World Trade Organization (W.T.O.) have thus been proposing a ‘special safeguard mechanism’ (S.S.M.). This would permit them to impose measures in circumstances wherein there has been a surge or a decline in prices of agricultural imports, so as to negatively affect the livelihood and food security interests of these nations. These deliberations have gained momentum against the backdrop of the W.T.O.'s Agreement on Agriculture (A.o.A.), which came into force in the Uruguay Round negotiations. Consequently, the W.T.O.'s Sixth Ministerial Conference held in Hong Kong in 2005, endowed developing country members with the right to recourse to S.S.M.'s on account of import surges that could potentially expose its agricultural sector to increased shocks. Nonetheless, the lack of consensus as regards the precise modalities, particularly between the United States and India, resulted in a deadlock. Consequently, during the recent Nairobi Ministerial Conference in 2016, India vehemently opposed to proceeding with any further negotiations, and in particular, as regards the Agreement on Trade Facilitation (T.F.A.). India insisted that its internal mechanisms to support food security and public stockholding - being an issue of policy space should be left unhampered despite the present stipulations of the A.o.A., which pegs the same at 10% of the value of production. Accordingly, the mandate of S.S.Ms. assumed more significance in the Nairobi Ministerial Conference insofar as modalities on these would plausibly permit developing countries to increase tariffs on account of import surges on agricultural products – and thus safeguard their food security and livelihood concerns. S.S.Ms. negotiations have been particularly important for India in its endeavour to insulate its agricultural sector from import deluges that debilitate its livelihood and food security. Its success, however, depends on the ability of the W.T.O. Members to finally negotiate the modalities of this right, in the absence of which, it continues to remain a ‘lip service'. This paper, therefore, attempts to explore India's motivation in digging its heels on the S.S.M. issue, appreciating that the country's stand at the W.T.O. appears to be of vital importance to developing country Members with similar anxieties as regards the protection of livelihood and food security. It delineates parameters in these respects which could be workable keeping in mind the agricultural scenario in India.
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University of Bologna Law Review
University of Bologna Law Review Social Sciences-Law
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