西北地区数字监控制作维吾尔族“恐怖工作者”

Darren Byler
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摘要

自2017年以来,中国政府在中国西北部拘留了数十万维吾尔人和哈萨克人,罪名是过去的伊斯兰活动和政府后来认为非法的政治行为。在提交给联合国的一份文件中,中国当局将这些被拘留者描述为平民,他们的极端主义或恐怖活动“不严重”或“恶意不深”,能够“表示忏悔”。超过533000名平民被正式起诉,其中许多人最初被关押在难民营中。2但还有数千人从被正式称为“关闭的集中教育培训中心”的难民营转移到过去十年在维吾尔族地区建造的工厂。这些工业园区通常由深圳或上海等中国较富裕地区的公司和政府机构建造。3这一制度产生了一种劳教制度,模仿了中国东部的农民工制度,使中国成为世界的制造商。但它结合了尖端的监控和治安,使工人在工厂内外的流动比国内其他地方的移民工人更受高度控制。这种令人不安的安排产生了一种新的工人类别,我认为最好用一个结合了通常不相关的想法的短语来表达。他们已经成为“恐怖工作者”。我对这种情况的分析是基于2011年至2018年间在维吾尔族地区进行的24个多月的民族志研究。其中包括对2017年被拘留的“恐怖分子工作者”伊斯坎德的广泛采访。在2017年伊斯坎德被拘留之前,我经常与他和他的兄弟(我在《恐怖资本主义》一书的第三章中讲述了他的故事)进行长时间的交谈。从那时起,我多次采访他的家人,其中一人设法逃离了这个国家,同时仍与留在新疆的家人保持联系。4在2018年我最后一次前往该地区的研究之旅中,我观察了伊斯坎德尔亲属的空房子,并与低级别的国家工作人员就营地制度的目标进行了交谈。在这篇从这些采访和观察中得出的文章中,5我的主要目的是展示如何在恐怖主义的标志下将维吾尔族农民变成不自由的工人。因此,Iskander的描述最好在该地区更广泛的经济转型背景下理解,并考虑到“恐怖分子工作者”这一奇怪的结合体的兴起如何在全球资本主义前沿的学术研究中发挥作用。在这样做的过程中,我的分析提出了一个更广泛的论点,即全球转向技术-
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Producing the Uyghur “Terrorist-Worker” through Digital Surveillance in Northwest China
Since 2017, the Chinese state has detained hundreds of thousands of Uyghur and Kazakh people in Northwest China for past Islamic activity and political behavior the government later deemed illegal. In a document submitted to the United Nations, Chinese authorities described these detainees as civilians whose extremist or terrorist activity “was not serious” or “whose malicious intent was not deep” and were able to “express repentance.”1 Over time a process of transforming these detainees emerged. More than 533,000 civilians, many of whom were first held in camps, were formally prosecuted.2 But thousands more were transferred from camps, known formally as “closed concentrated education training centers,” to factory complexes that have been built in the Uyghur region over the past decade. These industrial parks were often built by companies and government agencies from more affluent parts of the country such as Shenzhen or Shanghai.3 This system produced a reeducation labor regime that mimics aspects of the migrant worker system in eastern China that has made China the manufacturer of the world. But it has incorporated cutting-edge surveillance and policing to make worker movement even more highly controlled both on and off the factory floor than for migrant workers elsewhere in the country. This troubling arrangement has produced a new category of worker, which I contend is best captured by a phrase that combines ideas not typically associated with each other. They have become “terroristworkers.” My analysis of this situation is based on more than 24 months of ethnographic research in the Uyghur region between 2011 and 2018. This included extensive interviews with one such “terrorist-worker,” Iskander, who was detained in 2017. I spoke frequently and at length with him and with his brother (whose story I tell in chapter 3 of my book Terror Capitalism) before Iskander’s detention in 2017. Since that time, I have conducted repeated interviews with his family members, one of whom managed to flee the country while still maintaining contact with their remaining family members in Xinjiang.4 During my final research trip to the region in 2018, I observed the empty houses of Iskander’s relatives and spoke with low-level state workers about the goals of the camp system. In this essay, which draws from these interviews and observations,5 my primary aim is to demonstrate how Uyghur farmers can be turned into unfree workers under the sign of terrorism. Iskander’s account is thus best understood within the context of broader economic transformations in the region and by considering how the rise of this odd conjunction, the “terrorist-worker,” figures in scholarship of the frontiers of global capitalism. In doing so, my analysis makes a broader argument about a global turn toward techno-
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