{"title":"早期教会会议的行为:产生与特征托马斯·格劳曼(Thomas Graumann)","authors":"Sandra Leuenberger-Wenger","doi":"10.1353/earl.2022.0031","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"historical, explanatory framework: it is striking, for example, that Farag does not discuss the collapse of the Roman imperial government in the West during the fifth century. Perhaps this had no impact on church rulings, but it might explain why, for example, bishops in sixth-century Gaul could claim a “right of exchange” (53) over church property that Justinianic law reserved for a Roman emperor. But my main difficulty was with the chapters on regifting of donations in ritual settings. There is no question that a circular pattern of giving was promoted by some Christian authorities, and that episcopal repurposing of lay offerings or church funds was often a delicate matter. But I see no evidence that regifting was generally regarded as “taboo” in late antiquity (148–50). Nor am I at all persuaded by Farag’s interpretation of gift-giving displayed in church apse mosaics. She argues at length that these illustrate not merely donors offering churches to God, but a two-directional gift exchange in which those donors simultaneously “receive the same building back” (118) from God. Besides being not apparent to my sight, the argument seems both strained and improbable, and is not supported by the only contemporary interpretation we have of an apse donor mosaic, Choricius’s First Encomium to Marcian 31 (whose interpretation is not discussed by Farag), which describes such gift-giving as moving only in a single direction, from donor to saint, then to God. Indeed, the motives and ethical problems related to religious regifting in late antiquity were more complex than explored in this book. Farag barely mentions ascetic perspectives (at least, not specifically as such). But writings by or about monks and ascetically minded bishops like John Chrysostom, Rabbula of Edessa, and Caesarius of Arles offer a remarkably coherent set of rationales both for protecting church poor funds and for repurposing offerings to provide for the poor or other religious works. Nonetheless Farag makes a signal contribution by focusing on church buildings themselves, which, as immoveable property and concrete symbols, often posed very particular problems of inalienability, expenditure, and use. Daniel Caner, Indiana University, Bloomington","PeriodicalId":44662,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES","volume":"30 1","pages":"469 - 471"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5000,"publicationDate":"2022-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Acts of the Early Church Councils: Production and Character by Thomas Graumann (review)\",\"authors\":\"Sandra Leuenberger-Wenger\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/earl.2022.0031\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"historical, explanatory framework: it is striking, for example, that Farag does not discuss the collapse of the Roman imperial government in the West during the fifth century. Perhaps this had no impact on church rulings, but it might explain why, for example, bishops in sixth-century Gaul could claim a “right of exchange” (53) over church property that Justinianic law reserved for a Roman emperor. But my main difficulty was with the chapters on regifting of donations in ritual settings. There is no question that a circular pattern of giving was promoted by some Christian authorities, and that episcopal repurposing of lay offerings or church funds was often a delicate matter. But I see no evidence that regifting was generally regarded as “taboo” in late antiquity (148–50). Nor am I at all persuaded by Farag’s interpretation of gift-giving displayed in church apse mosaics. She argues at length that these illustrate not merely donors offering churches to God, but a two-directional gift exchange in which those donors simultaneously “receive the same building back” (118) from God. Besides being not apparent to my sight, the argument seems both strained and improbable, and is not supported by the only contemporary interpretation we have of an apse donor mosaic, Choricius’s First Encomium to Marcian 31 (whose interpretation is not discussed by Farag), which describes such gift-giving as moving only in a single direction, from donor to saint, then to God. Indeed, the motives and ethical problems related to religious regifting in late antiquity were more complex than explored in this book. Farag barely mentions ascetic perspectives (at least, not specifically as such). But writings by or about monks and ascetically minded bishops like John Chrysostom, Rabbula of Edessa, and Caesarius of Arles offer a remarkably coherent set of rationales both for protecting church poor funds and for repurposing offerings to provide for the poor or other religious works. Nonetheless Farag makes a signal contribution by focusing on church buildings themselves, which, as immoveable property and concrete symbols, often posed very particular problems of inalienability, expenditure, and use. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
历史解释框架:例如,令人震惊的是,法拉格没有讨论五世纪罗马帝国政府在西方的崩溃。也许这对教会的裁决没有影响,但它可以解释为什么,例如,六世纪高卢的主教可以要求对教会财产享有“交换权”(53),而查士丁尼法律是为罗马皇帝保留的。但我的主要困难在于关于在仪式环境中重新登记捐赠的章节。毫无疑问,一些基督教当局提倡循环式的奉献模式,而主教对非神职人员奉献或教会资金的重新利用往往是一个微妙的问题。但我没有看到任何证据表明,在古代晚期(148-50),重新登记通常被视为“禁忌”。我也完全不相信法拉格对教堂后堂马赛克中礼物赠送的解释。她详细地辩称,这些不仅说明了捐赠者向上帝提供教堂,而且说明了双向礼物交换,在这种交换中,这些捐赠者同时从上帝那里“收回同一栋建筑”(118)。除了在我看来不明显之外,这一论点似乎既紧张又不可能,也没有得到我们对后堂捐赠者马赛克的唯一当代解释的支持,即Choricius的《Marcian 31的第一首安可曲》(Farag没有讨论其解释),该书将这种送礼描述为只朝着一个方向发展,从捐赠者到圣人,再到上帝。事实上,与古代晚期宗教迁移有关的动机和伦理问题比本书所探讨的更为复杂。法拉格几乎没有提到禁欲主义的观点(至少,没有具体提到)。但是,约翰·克里索斯托姆(John Chrysostom)、埃德萨的拉比(Rabbula of Edessa)和阿尔勒的凯撒留(Caesarius of Arles)等僧侣和禁欲主义主教的著作或关于他们的著作提供了一套非常连贯的理据,既可以保护教会穷人的资金,也可以重新利用祭品来供养穷人或其他宗教作品。尽管如此,法拉格还是通过关注教堂建筑本身做出了重大贡献,教堂建筑作为不动产和混凝土象征,往往会带来非常特殊的不可出租性、支出和使用问题。Daniel Caner,印第安纳大学,布鲁明顿
The Acts of the Early Church Councils: Production and Character by Thomas Graumann (review)
historical, explanatory framework: it is striking, for example, that Farag does not discuss the collapse of the Roman imperial government in the West during the fifth century. Perhaps this had no impact on church rulings, but it might explain why, for example, bishops in sixth-century Gaul could claim a “right of exchange” (53) over church property that Justinianic law reserved for a Roman emperor. But my main difficulty was with the chapters on regifting of donations in ritual settings. There is no question that a circular pattern of giving was promoted by some Christian authorities, and that episcopal repurposing of lay offerings or church funds was often a delicate matter. But I see no evidence that regifting was generally regarded as “taboo” in late antiquity (148–50). Nor am I at all persuaded by Farag’s interpretation of gift-giving displayed in church apse mosaics. She argues at length that these illustrate not merely donors offering churches to God, but a two-directional gift exchange in which those donors simultaneously “receive the same building back” (118) from God. Besides being not apparent to my sight, the argument seems both strained and improbable, and is not supported by the only contemporary interpretation we have of an apse donor mosaic, Choricius’s First Encomium to Marcian 31 (whose interpretation is not discussed by Farag), which describes such gift-giving as moving only in a single direction, from donor to saint, then to God. Indeed, the motives and ethical problems related to religious regifting in late antiquity were more complex than explored in this book. Farag barely mentions ascetic perspectives (at least, not specifically as such). But writings by or about monks and ascetically minded bishops like John Chrysostom, Rabbula of Edessa, and Caesarius of Arles offer a remarkably coherent set of rationales both for protecting church poor funds and for repurposing offerings to provide for the poor or other religious works. Nonetheless Farag makes a signal contribution by focusing on church buildings themselves, which, as immoveable property and concrete symbols, often posed very particular problems of inalienability, expenditure, and use. Daniel Caner, Indiana University, Bloomington
期刊介绍:
The official publication of the North American Patristics Society (NAPS), the Journal of Early Christian Studies focuses on the study of Christianity in the context of late ancient societies and religions from c.e. 100-700. Incorporating The Second Century (an earlier publication), the Journal publishes the best of traditional patristics scholarship while showcasing articles that call attention to newer themes and methodologies than those appearing in other patristics journals. An extensive book review section is featured in every issue.