印卡晚期北华尔芬河谷(阿根廷西北部)的黑石照明技术、Chaîne Opératoire和象征意义

IF 1.1 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Journal of Lithic Studies Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI:10.2218/jls.7240
Emiliano Bentivenga, Julieta Lynch
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引用次数: 0

摘要

本研究的主要目的是分析应用于黑石的石器技术,黑石是一种因其社会和象征价值而在阿根廷西北部前哥伦布时代人口中流行的原材料。分析的组合来自Villavil 2(VV2)考古遗址,该遗址位于Hualfín山谷(阿根廷卡塔马卡),距离该原材料的最近来源约100-200公里。VV2是由其中一位作者于2015年发现的,它展示了以前从未在该地区注册过的岩石艺术。该遗址与印卡晚期(约公元前10-16世纪)有关。到目前为止,我们认为这是一个时间性但周期性的使用场所,最适合我们所说的仪式空间。该组合包括从表层和地层环境中收集的黑石元素的总和。它被分为三类:工具(射弹点)、具有自然锋利边缘的薄片(FNSE)和废物(WP)。我们没有确定是否存在核心。分析考虑了以下变量:剥皮方法和技术、皮层的大小、数量、薄片类型和边缘类型。在VV2,积分是唯一一种由黑宝石制成的经过修饰的工具。它们对应于三角形的未镶嵌凹型,在印卡晚期非常常见,并且它们是使用周边双面压力技术成型的,可能是由薄片坯料制成的。FNSE的体积很小,并且呈现出稀少的皮层。另一方面,非常小的WP的丰富性是显著的。它们是在相同的地层背景下发现的,证明了这些点的完整完成(边缘修饰)。结果让我们推断,点成形任务是在现场进行的。此外,所实施的技术涉及主要的生产努力和技能,这与当地原材料加工的技术形成了鲜明对比。这种精心策划的策略可能与获取这种外来材料的困难无关。相反,这些选择可以反映社会和象征意义。根据语言和民族历史信息,黑曜石的亮度和透明度是为了赢得w'akas的青睐。此外,在NWA,黑曜石长途交换是前哥伦布时代的一项古老传统,持续了很长一段时间。获得黑曜石可以显示一个社会群体获得遥远资源的能力,并使他们的政治地位合法化。然而,我们不能忘记,这种原材料对于制作不同的谋生活动手工艺品也非常重要。
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Obsidian Lithic Technology, Chaîne Opératoire and Symbolic Meaning in the Northern Hualfín Valley (Northwest Argentina) during Late - Inka Period
The main objective of this research is to analyse the lithic technology applied to obsidian, a raw material popular amongst pre-Columbian populations from Northwestern Argentina (NWA) because of its social and symbolic value. The analysed assemblage comes from the archaeological site of Villavil 2 (VV2), located in the Hualfín Valley (Catamarca, Argentina) and distant ca. 100 - 200 kms from the nearest sources of this raw material. VV2 was discovered in 2015 by one of the authors and shows a particular presence of rock art which had not previously been registered in this area. The site was associated to the Late and Inka Period (ca. 10th - 16th centuries CE). So far, we suggest that this was a place of temporal, but periodical use that best fits with what we would call a ceremonial space. The assemblage comprises the totality of obsidian elements collected from both superficial and stratigraphic contexts. It was divided into three typological classes: tools (projectile points), flakes with natural sharp edges (FNSE) and waste products (WP). We did not identify the presence of cores. The analysis considered the following variables: knapping methods and techniques, size, amount of cortex, flake type and edge types. At VV2, points are the only retouched tools made of obsidian. They correspond to the triangular unstemmed concave-based type, very common during the Late-Inka Periods, and they were shaped using the perimetral bifacial pressure technique, possibly from flake blanks. FNSEs’ size is small, and they present scarce cortex. On the other hand, the abundance of very small-sized WPs is remarkable. They were found in the same stratigraphic context and attest a complete finish of the points (edge retouch). The results let us infer that the point-shaping tasks were carried out in situ. Moreover, the implemented technology involved both major production efforts and skills, that contrast with those involved in local raw material knapping. It is possible that this curated strategy was not related to the difficulty of accessing this allochthonous material. Instead, these choices could reflect social and symbolic meanings. According to linguistic and ethnohistoric information, the obsidian brightness and transparency are propitiatory to win the favour of the w'akas. Furthermore, in NWA the obsidian long-distance exchange is an ancient pre-Columbian tradition that lasted for a long time. Obtaining obsidian could display the ability of a social group to access distant resources and legitimize their political status. Nevertheless, we cannot forget that this raw material also was very important for making different artefacts for subsistence activities.
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