《范内瓦尔·布什的重要著作》由g·帕斯卡尔·扎卡里编辑

IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Journal of Cold War Studies Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI:10.1162/jcws_r_01115
Neil J. Sullivan
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引用次数: 0

摘要

g·帕斯卡尔·扎卡里精心挑选、整理并呈现了范内瓦尔·布什关于信息系统、组织动力学、战争武器、计算机的未来、大萧条的潜在好处、太空竞赛、太阳能和消除苦差事的思考,以及他对鸭子的高度尊重和对蚕的奥秘的惊叹。扎卡里在56个选段前的注释提供了上下文和见解。它们可以单独作为一篇关于布什生活和事业的极好的文章。在这些阅读材料中,我们可以看到几个主题。其一,布什的观点是一个成功的精英,既有历史上重要文化的贡献,也有其局限性。在引言中,扎卡里指出布什的代词总是男性化的。这种习惯会引起现代读者的注意,但这种时代错误不仅仅是一代人对前人的争论。在考虑聘用他的组织的领导时,布什只考虑了男性,而且是某种类型的男性。他让人想起了制定参议院、选举团和联邦司法制度的开国元勋。《联邦党人文集》的作者们认为,领导需要这样的人:他们已经确立了自己的地位,他们年纪更大、更富有、更聪明、事业有成,他们可以被信任来促进国家利益,他们需要被保护起来,不受群众激情的影响。布什也会同意的。从那以后,我们了解到,将候选人限制在人口统计学上幸运的一小部分的精英统治,是一种过于局限的精英统治,无法保证我们找到了最有能力的人。布什对精英的关注在他1937年关于科学对社会的效用的观察中是显而易见的,他得出结论:“精神缺陷和其他人一样受益,繁殖迅速,并可能继承地球”(第36页)。这一判决很可能受到了十年前美国最高法院在巴克诉贝尔案中支持强制优生绝育的决定的影响。优生学是美国历史上最大的悲剧之一,在富人中流行更是如此。从这些解读中浮现出的第二个主题是,布什是一位古典主义者。他一次又一次地强调平衡,在危险之间走一条中间道路,这是亚里士多德的中庸之道的理想。他认为各行各业的人都应该能够
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The Essential Writings of Vannevar Bush edited by G. Pascal Zachary
G. Pascal Zachary has selected, organized, and presented a masterful collection of Vannevar Bush’s thinking about information systems, organizational dynamics, weapons of war, the future of computing, potential benefits of the Great Depression, the space race, solar energy, and the elimination of drudgery, as well as his high regard for the duck and his wonder at the mysteries of the silkworm. Zachary’s notes before each of the fifty-six selections provide context and insight. They could stand alone as a superb essay on Bush’s life and career. Several themes suggest themselves in these readings. One is that Bush’s perspective was that of a successful meritocrat, with the contributions and limits of that historically important culture. In the introduction, Zachary notes that Bush’s pronouns are invariably masculine. The habit jumps out to a modern reader, but the anachronism is more than a generational quarrel over antecedents. In considering the leadership of the organizations that engaged him, Bush thought only about men, and men of a certain type. He brings to mind the Framers when they fashioned the Senate, the Electoral College, and the federal judiciary. The authors of the Federalist Papers believed that leadership required men who had established themselves, who were older, wealthier, wiser, successful in their careers, who could be trusted to promote the national interest, and who needed to be shielded from the passions of the masses. Bush would have concurred. We have since learned that a meritocracy that limits its candidates to a small slice of the demographically fortunate is a meritocracy too restricted to warrant much confidence that we have found our most capable. Bush’s focus on elites was evident in his observation in 1937 about the utility of science for society, concluding that “the mentally defective benefit along with everyone else, breed rapidly, and may inherit the earth” (p. 36). This judgment may well have been influenced by the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision a decade earlier upholding forced eugenic sterilizations in the nefarious case of Buck v. Bell. Eugenics was one of the great tragedies in U.S. history, all the more so for being fashionable among the well-off. A second theme that emerges from these readings is Bush the classicist. Again and again, he urged balance, a middle path between hazards, the ideal of Aristotle’s Golden Mean. He thought that people from various professions should be able to
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