欧亚经济联盟:中国“一带一路”的一块脆弱的路障:自由主义视角

W. Zank
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引用次数: 5

摘要

本文将探讨欧亚经济联盟的发展、特点及其与中国“一带一路”倡议的契合度。欧亚经济联盟的起源是在俄罗斯试图充实其“门罗主义”的背景下产生的,即声称后苏联时代的空间是俄罗斯独家影响力的区域。俄罗斯的“门罗主义”主要是针对欧盟、欧盟的扩张和“欧洲邻国政策”(ENP)而制定的,后者也为后苏联地区的国家提供特权关系。然而,俄罗斯“门罗主义”的逻辑对所有试图与包括中国在内的前苏联加盟共和国建立更密切关系的国家都是有效的。2013年,普京总统提出每个作为一个主要的政治项目,中国总统后不久推出了一带一路倡议;后苏联地区的所有12个国家都被邀请参加。然而,格鲁吉亚、摩尔多瓦和乌克兰选择与欧盟签订联属协议,俄罗斯对此的回应是吞并克里米亚,并在乌克兰东部发动叛乱。2015年,欧亚经济联盟正式成立,当时只有亚美尼亚、白俄罗斯、哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦和俄罗斯五个国家参与。这意味着俄罗斯将把相当高的关税扩大到整个欧亚经济联盟,此举对中国与该地区的交易产生了负面影响。然而,这并不能阻止中国在中亚的崛起。以目前的形式,欧亚经济联盟与bb0倡议不兼容。中国和欧亚经济联盟之间的自由贸易协定可能会使其兼容,但这在不久的将来是不现实的。欧亚经济联盟似乎是一个不稳定的结构,许多基本规则和规范不明确,成员之间存在许多紧张和冲突。
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The Eurasian Economic Union: A Brittle Roadblock on China's "One Belt - One Road": A Liberal Perspective
In this article, I explore the development and character of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and its compatibility with China's OBOR initiative. The genesis of the EEU is placed in the context of Russia's attempts to fill its "Monroe Doctrine" with substance, i.e. to claim the post-Soviet space as a zone of exclusive Russian influence. Russia's "Monroe Doctrine" was primarily formulated against the EU, its enlargement and its "European Neighbourhood Policy" (ENP) which offers privileged relations also to countries in the post-Soviet space. The logic of the Russian "Monroe Doctrine" works, however, against all countries trying to establish closer ties with former Soviet republics, China included. In 2013, President Putin presented the EEU as a predominantly political project, shortly after the Chinese President had launched the OBOR initiative; all twelve states in the post-Soviet space were invited to participate. However, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine opted for an association agreement with the EU, a move to which Russia responded by the annexation of Crimea and starting an insurgency in Eastern Ukraine. In 2015, the EEU officially started with the participation of only five countries: Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Russia. It implied the extension of the rather high Russian tariffs to the whole EEU, a move which had negative effects on Chinese transactions with the region. This, however, could not impede a rise of the Chinese presence in Central Asia. In its present form, the EEU is not compatible with the OBOR initiative. A free-trade agreement between China and the EEU could make it compatible, but this is not a realistic perspective for the near future. The EEU seems to be an unstable construction, with many basic rules and norms being unclear, and many tensions and conflicts among its members.
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Journal of China and International Relations
Journal of China and International Relations Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
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