This article examines the BRICS phenomenon through the prism of several International Relations theories. Particularly, power transition theory, soft power and peaceful coexistence concepts, the theory of “global regionalism” and status theories are reviewed. Each of them suggests its own theoretical interpretation of the BRICS phenomenon, as well as its own vision of this group’s role in world politics and economy. It is safe to assume that despite limitations of these theories each of them has some explanatory power. Being used together they can be helpful for studying - in an interdisciplinary way - a complex phenomenon, such as the BRICS. A number of modern theories hold that, along with the pursuit of purely material and pragmatic interests, the BRICS countries actively use this integration association to strengthen their positions in the world arena and elevate their international status. It should be noted that the BRICS was rather successful in presenting itself as a new model of world order which is a serious alternative to the existing one dominated by the West. It is based on the principles of cooperation, mutual respect and balance of interests, rather than dictate, discrimination, hierarchy and balance of power. It is too early to ascertain that a principally new type of an international institution was born within the BRICS format. However, there is no doubt that some positive experience has already been accumulated by this forum, and that this grouping has some good prospects for the future. For this reason, it will remain of considerable interest for International Relations theory. Keywords: BRICS, International Relations Theory, alternative world order
{"title":"International Relations Theory and the BRICS Phenomenon","authors":"A. Sergunin, V. Konyshev, Gao Fei","doi":"10.5278/JCIR.V8ISE.4238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/JCIR.V8ISE.4238","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the BRICS phenomenon through the prism of several International Relations theories. Particularly, power transition theory, soft power and peaceful coexistence concepts, the theory of “global regionalism” and status theories are reviewed. Each of them suggests its own theoretical interpretation of the BRICS phenomenon, as well as its own vision of this group’s role in world politics and economy. It is safe to assume that despite limitations of these theories each of them has some explanatory power. Being used together they can be helpful for studying - in an interdisciplinary way - a complex phenomenon, such as the BRICS. \u0000A number of modern theories hold that, along with the pursuit of purely material and pragmatic interests, the BRICS countries actively use this integration association to strengthen their positions in the world arena and elevate their international status. \u0000It should be noted that the BRICS was rather successful in presenting itself as a new model of world order which is a serious alternative to the existing one dominated by the West. It is based on the principles of cooperation, mutual respect and balance of interests, rather than dictate, discrimination, hierarchy and balance of power. It is too early to ascertain that a principally new type of an international institution was born within the BRICS format. However, there is no doubt that some positive experience has already been accumulated by this forum, and that this grouping has some good prospects for the future. For this reason, it will remain of considerable interest for International Relations theory. \u0000Keywords: BRICS, International Relations Theory, alternative world order","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49017879","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"New Perspectives on the BRICS Countries","authors":"Ph. Wade","doi":"10.5278/JCIR.V8ISE.4251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/JCIR.V8ISE.4251","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43255330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is an extremely new and fast-moving project which, as part of a strong effort toward consolidating Chinese power on the international stage, has faced a series of challenges, suspicions and criticisms (especially from Western analysts). What China is proposing is more than a revolutionary infrastructure project. It represents, without doubt, an ambitious geopolitical plan which challenges geopolitical analysis itself. This paper, therefore, presents a theoretical review of geopolitics in order to analyze one of the main projects of the BRI: the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), identifying the challenges relative to comprehending not only the initiative but also Sino-Pakistani relations based on recent experience. While the use of classical theories, such as retrieving the concept of heartland, has proven inadequate, new propositions, such as the concept of geoeconomics, provide analytical support that is better suited to this new geopolitical moment. Also of note is the volume of ongoing projects in distant economic areas and the lack of military objectives under the auspices of the corridor. There is a latent concern regarding security, but to date, no elements of militarization have been observed in the corridor. The Sino-Pakistani relations that were firmly grounded on border protection, territorial delimitation and the development of the arms industry, including nuclear weapons, on the conveyor belt of the corridor, are now focused more on the economy with a view to increase trade flow, thereby consolidating the energy sector while creating industrial zones and operations of the Gwadar port. Keywords: Belt and Road Initiative, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, Geopolitics, Geoeconomics
{"title":"Belt and Road Initiative and China-Pakistan Economic Corridor: Geopolitical Challenges.","authors":"Pablo Ibanez","doi":"10.5278/JCIR.V8ISE.4236","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/JCIR.V8ISE.4236","url":null,"abstract":"The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is an extremely new and fast-moving project which, as part of a strong effort toward consolidating Chinese power on the international stage, has faced a series of challenges, suspicions and criticisms (especially from Western analysts). What China is proposing is more than a revolutionary infrastructure project. It represents, without doubt, an ambitious geopolitical plan which challenges geopolitical analysis itself. This paper, therefore, presents a theoretical review of geopolitics in order to analyze one of the main projects of the BRI: the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), identifying the challenges relative to comprehending not only the initiative but also Sino-Pakistani relations based on recent experience. While the use of classical theories, such as retrieving the concept of heartland, has proven inadequate, new propositions, such as the concept of geoeconomics, provide analytical support that is better suited to this new geopolitical moment. Also of note is the volume of ongoing projects in distant economic areas and the lack of military objectives under the auspices of the corridor. There is a latent concern regarding security, but to date, no elements of militarization have been observed in the corridor. The Sino-Pakistani relations that were firmly grounded on border protection, territorial delimitation and the development of the arms industry, including nuclear weapons, on the conveyor belt of the corridor, are now focused more on the economy with a view to increase trade flow, thereby consolidating the energy sector while creating industrial zones and operations of the Gwadar port. \u0000Keywords: Belt and Road Initiative, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, Geopolitics, Geoeconomics","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43484719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Brazil and China have strategic interests in the West African countries. Of these two countries, China has increased influence in the region, both in the economic and in the military issues. In this context, some questions arise: How could the presence of China in the western portion of the African continent interfere with Brazilian interests in this region? As Brazil and China's trade relations with Africa grow, will the possibility of disputes arise between these two current BRICS partners? Could the participation of Brazil and China in the BRICS group contribute to aligning these interests and, if possible, minimize some future disputes? Thus, the article aims to identify whether a forum such as the BRICS, can contribute to aligning the objectives and interests of its constituent States or minimize the divergences arising from conflicting objectives and interests, particularly in the Atlantic portion of Africa. In order to achieve this objective, the article is divided into three sections. Firstly, it identifies the current strategic interests of Brazil and China in the Atlantic portion of the African continent. Secondly, it presents an analysis of the present and potential conflict of interests of these two States related to Atlantic Africa. The third section focuses on BRICS, seeking to identify how its vocation for dialogue and consensus-building may be useful to minimize these potential conflicting interests and even institutionalize an arbitration center for its members. Keywords: Atlantic Africa. BRICS. Brazil. China.
{"title":"Brazil and China Interests in Atlantic Africa: Convergences, Divergences and Opportunities for Cooperation Inside the BRICS Forum Framework","authors":"Marcos E. Da Silva","doi":"10.5278/JCIR.V8ISE.4241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/JCIR.V8ISE.4241","url":null,"abstract":"Brazil and China have strategic interests in the West African countries. Of these two countries, China has increased influence in the region, both in the economic and in the military issues. In this context, some questions arise: How could the presence of China in the western portion of the African continent interfere with Brazilian interests in this region? As Brazil and China's trade relations with Africa grow, will the possibility of disputes arise between these two current BRICS partners? Could the participation of Brazil and China in the BRICS group contribute to aligning these interests and, if possible, minimize some future disputes? Thus, the article aims to identify whether a forum such as the BRICS, can contribute to aligning the objectives and interests of its constituent States or minimize the divergences arising from conflicting objectives and interests, particularly in the Atlantic portion of Africa. In order to achieve this objective, the article is divided into three sections. Firstly, it identifies the current strategic interests of Brazil and China in the Atlantic portion of the African continent. Secondly, it presents an analysis of the present and potential conflict of interests of these two States related to Atlantic Africa. The third section focuses on BRICS, seeking to identify how its vocation for dialogue and consensus-building may be useful to minimize these potential conflicting interests and even institutionalize an arbitration center for its members. \u0000Keywords: Atlantic Africa. BRICS. Brazil. China.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44468037","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
D. Pinto, Larlecianne Piccolli, Riva Sobrado de Freitas
When one thinks about powerful and influential traditional actors of the International system, Russia cannot be ruled out of this select group. Despite the oscillations by which the State had been through in the post-Cold War period, the international community witnessed, since the beginning of the 21st century, the recovery of its status quo as an influential power among both the developed countries and, mainly, the developing countries, and the BRICS is perhaps the greatest expression of this rise. As the dynamics of power within the system become more flexible on the threshold of the 21st century, moving from a traditional range of military resources to covering new demands linked to new technologies, especially the internet, Russia seeks to use them as a resource of power. Thus, this paper aims to understand how cyber resources takes part of the Russian strategy to rebuild its power in the International System and how significant these resources are to the new understanding of the State capacity of the Russian Federation. It's then believed that cyber resources act as a profitable power tool for Russia’s reentering the international arena. It is supported by the concept of “strategic deterrence” assumed in the country’s Military Doctrine (2014), which sustains military (conventional and nuclear) and non-military tools (political, economic, scientific measures). Keywords: Russia. Power. Cyber Resources.
{"title":"Russia, BRICS and Cyber Power:","authors":"D. Pinto, Larlecianne Piccolli, Riva Sobrado de Freitas","doi":"10.5278/JCIR.V8ISE.4239","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/JCIR.V8ISE.4239","url":null,"abstract":"When one thinks about powerful and influential traditional actors of the International system, Russia cannot be ruled out of this select group. Despite the oscillations by which the State had been through in the post-Cold War period, the international community witnessed, since the beginning of the 21st century, the recovery of its status quo as an influential power among both the developed countries and, mainly, the developing countries, and the BRICS is perhaps the greatest expression of this rise. As the dynamics of power within the system become more flexible on the threshold of the 21st century, moving from a traditional range of military resources to covering new demands linked to new technologies, especially the internet, Russia seeks to use them as a resource of power. Thus, this paper aims to understand how cyber resources takes part of the Russian strategy to rebuild its power in the International System and how significant these resources are to the new understanding of the State capacity of the Russian Federation. It's then believed that cyber resources act as a profitable power tool for Russia’s reentering the international arena. It is supported by the concept of “strategic deterrence” assumed in the country’s Military Doctrine (2014), which sustains military (conventional and nuclear) and non-military tools (political, economic, scientific measures). \u0000Keywords: Russia. Power. Cyber Resources.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46587552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study addresses two questions: first regarding China’s ability to respond to its rapidly ageing population, and second what China can learn from Denmark in their approach to this challenge. Denmark, along with the other Scandinavian countries, is generally considered well adapted to demographic change. This paper aims to examine if the experiences of Denmark can add insights that are useful for the development of a sustainable and financially responsible approach to population ageing in China. Reviewing the respective demographic challenges of both China and Denmark, together with the provisions of old-age security and care, this paper presents an examination of their adaptability to demographic change. Finally, the paper outlines three factors from which China arguably could learn from the Danish approach to demographic change. It is evident from studying the Danish approach to demographic changes that pensions are not the sole focus; stimulating labour force participation, creating initiatives to postpone retirement and work longer and enforcing pro-natal polices are all part of the solution. Due to this, this paper argues that the main lesson to be learned from Denmark is that there is a need for a holistic approach to demographic change; reforming the pension system is only one part. Keywords: China, Denmark, universalism, demographic change, pensions, old-age dependency
{"title":"Pension Reform in China","authors":"Birgitte Jensen","doi":"10.5278/JCIR.V7I1.3541","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/JCIR.V7I1.3541","url":null,"abstract":"This study addresses two questions: first regarding China’s ability to respond to its rapidly ageing population, and second what China can learn from Denmark in their approach to this challenge. Denmark, along with the other Scandinavian countries, is generally considered well adapted to demographic change. This paper aims to examine if the experiences of Denmark can add insights that are useful for the development of a sustainable and financially responsible approach to population ageing in China. Reviewing the respective demographic challenges of both China and Denmark, together with the provisions of old-age security and care, this paper presents an examination of their adaptability to demographic change. Finally, the paper outlines three factors from which China arguably could learn from the Danish approach to demographic change. It is evident from studying the Danish approach to demographic changes that pensions are not the sole focus; stimulating labour force participation, creating initiatives to postpone retirement and work longer and enforcing pro-natal polices are all part of the solution. Due to this, this paper argues that the main lesson to be learned from Denmark is that there is a need for a holistic approach to demographic change; reforming the pension system is only one part. \u0000Keywords: China, Denmark, universalism, demographic change, pensions, old-age dependency","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42989488","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The rise of China is perhaps the most important development in world politics today. It is challenging the very foundations of the liberal international order that the Western great powers have created. Yet, as China emerges as an economic and political powerhouse with global influence, it is not at all clear what kind of a great power it will become, and what kind of a world order it sees as its ideal. Chinese official foreign policy rhetoric on the subject offers only vaguely described slogans and concepts. Another approach for studying “China’s mind” is to study China’s academic discourse on world politics and foreign relations. In this article, the academic debate around the concept of tianxia (天下. in English: all under heaven) is analyzed, in order to study the great power identities that China is constructing for itself as it prepares for a bigger role in world politics. The article argues that the “tianxia theory” is attempting to distance China from “the West” by creating a completely unique civilizational identity for China. The tianxiaist narrative argues that, because of its unique character and because of its “harmonious” and “worldly” tianxia conception of world politics, China can offer fresh and relevant alternatives for the international community. This is not only a concern for political philosophers, as the concepts of tianxia theory also seem to be influencing and inspiring the foreign policy thinking of the Chinese government. Keywords: Tianxia theory, tianxiaism, Chinese foreign policy, Chinese great power identity
{"title":"“All under heaven as one family” : Tianxiaist ideology and the emerging Chinese great power identity","authors":"M. Puranen","doi":"10.5278/JCIR.V7I1.3542","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/JCIR.V7I1.3542","url":null,"abstract":"The rise of China is perhaps the most important development in world politics today. It is challenging the very foundations of the liberal international order that the Western great powers have created. Yet, as China emerges as an economic and political powerhouse with global influence, it is not at all clear what kind of a great power it will become, and what kind of a world order it sees as its ideal. Chinese official foreign policy rhetoric on the subject offers only vaguely described slogans and concepts. Another approach for studying “China’s mind” is to study China’s academic discourse on world politics and foreign relations. In this article, the academic debate around the concept of tianxia (天下. in English: all under heaven) is analyzed, in order to study the great power identities that China is constructing for itself as it prepares for a bigger role in world politics. The article argues that the “tianxia theory” is attempting to distance China from “the West” by creating a completely unique civilizational identity for China. The tianxiaist narrative argues that, because of its unique character and because of its “harmonious” and “worldly” tianxia conception of world politics, China can offer fresh and relevant alternatives for the international community. This is not only a concern for political philosophers, as the concepts of tianxia theory also seem to be influencing and inspiring the foreign policy thinking of the Chinese government. \u0000Keywords: Tianxia theory, tianxiaism, Chinese foreign policy, Chinese great power identity","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48248498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since 1958, China has constructed over 140 sports facilities around the world. Previous research into stadium diplomacy lacks definitional clarity, has not systematically investigated the phenomenon, and crucially, has failed to explain why China employs stadium diplomacy where it does. This article defines the phenomenon and locates all known cases without temporal or geographic restrictions. We create a classification system and typology, permitting a comparison of theoretically-like types to develop and test a multi-determinant theory. We find empirical evidence that China employs stadium diplomacy to secure natural resources and to secure diplomatic recognition in line with the One-China policy. These findings have important implications for scholarship into the use of soft power within interstate rivalry, and the methodology demonstrates that a clear typology of soft power which is mutually exclusive and logically exhaustive can be created and is informative. Keywords: China, stadium diplomacy, soft power, interstate rivalry
{"title":"China’s Stadium Diplomacy and its Determinants:","authors":"Hugh Vondracek","doi":"10.5278/JCIR.V7I1.3543","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/JCIR.V7I1.3543","url":null,"abstract":"Since 1958, China has constructed over 140 sports facilities around the world. Previous research into stadium diplomacy lacks definitional clarity, has not systematically investigated the phenomenon, and crucially, has failed to explain why China employs stadium diplomacy where it does. This article defines the phenomenon and locates all known cases without temporal or geographic restrictions. We create a classification system and typology, permitting a comparison of theoretically-like types to develop and test a multi-determinant theory. We find empirical evidence that China employs stadium diplomacy to secure natural resources and to secure diplomatic recognition in line with the One-China policy. These findings have important implications for scholarship into the use of soft power within interstate rivalry, and the methodology demonstrates that a clear typology of soft power which is mutually exclusive and logically exhaustive can be created and is informative. \u0000 \u0000Keywords: China, stadium diplomacy, soft power, interstate rivalry","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45516411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The May Fourth Movement (1917-1921) has always been an important part of the official historical narrative of the Chinese Communist Party. Today, the Movement is often celebrated as being closely connected with the emergence of modern Chinese patriotism and nationalism in contemporary China. In the 21st century, Chinese nationalism has voiced more assertive overtones with a tendency to glorify Chinese imperial history. What is more, contemporary Chinese nationalism often adopts a negative attitude towards foreign ideas and thought trends. This article discusses the differences between contemporary Chinese nationalism and the May Fourth Movement nationalism by examining the argumentation structures wherein the concept of nationalism was used during the May Fourth period. The article shows that the concept was, in fact, given primarily a negative meaning in the May Fourth context. The article shows that, in May Fourth journals, nationalism was associated with imperialism, capitalism, and Darwinism, which were presented as destructive ideas that were responsible for the First World War. Unlike the radical Chinese nationalists of the 21st century, May Fourth authors supported a cosmopolitan spirit and international cooperation. The desire to strengthen and develop China involved dreams of creating an international operational environment based on equality and cooperation, instead of aggressive power politics. Keywords: Chinese nationalism, May Fourth Movement, Chinese Communist Party
{"title":"Chinese People and the Others","authors":"Jarkko Haapanen","doi":"10.5278/JCIR.V7I1.3540","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/JCIR.V7I1.3540","url":null,"abstract":"The May Fourth Movement (1917-1921) has always been an important part of the official historical narrative of the Chinese Communist Party. Today, the Movement is often celebrated as being closely connected with the emergence of modern Chinese patriotism and nationalism in contemporary China. In the 21st century, Chinese nationalism has voiced more assertive overtones with a tendency to glorify Chinese imperial history. What is more, contemporary Chinese nationalism often adopts a negative attitude towards foreign ideas and thought trends. This article discusses the differences between contemporary Chinese nationalism and the May Fourth Movement nationalism by examining the argumentation structures wherein the concept of nationalism was used during the May Fourth period. The article shows that the concept was, in fact, given primarily a negative meaning in the May Fourth context. The article shows that, in May Fourth journals, nationalism was associated with imperialism, capitalism, and Darwinism, which were presented as destructive ideas that were responsible for the First World War. Unlike the radical Chinese nationalists of the 21st century, May Fourth authors supported a cosmopolitan spirit and international cooperation. The desire to strengthen and develop China involved dreams of creating an international operational environment based on equality and cooperation, instead of aggressive power politics. \u0000Keywords: Chinese nationalism, May Fourth Movement, Chinese Communist Party","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45441919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper intends to provide an analytical framework to interpret China’s growing presence in the Arctic from the perspective of world-system theory. I have set up the analytical framework from the following four aspects. Firstly, China’s externalizing behavior in the Arctic region is governed by the internalized law of value of the modern world-system, i.e., the endless accumulation of capital. Secondly, China has benefited and is still benefiting from the division of labor, with Southeast Asia, Latin America, Africa, and most recently the Arctic serving as a relatively subordinated resource periphery. Thirdly, driven by a strong upward mobility, China has leapfrogged the periphery and semi-periphery and gained a semi-core position with an upward trend towards the core, by offering a favorable external environment to the Arctic (invitation to promote). Lastly, since the world-economy is currently in a Kondratieff B-phase, China, as an emerging global core power, is logically dedicated to the relocation of productive activity and the probability of alternative profitable outlets, where the Arctic is highly compatible. Keywords: China, Arctic, world-system theory, endless accumulation of capital, division of labor, upward mobility, Kondratieff B-phase
{"title":"Reassessing China’s Growing Presence in the Arctic:","authors":"Xiaowen Zheng","doi":"10.5278/JCIR.V7I1.3544","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/JCIR.V7I1.3544","url":null,"abstract":"This paper intends to provide an analytical framework to interpret China’s growing presence in the Arctic from the perspective of world-system theory. I have set up the analytical framework from the following four aspects. Firstly, China’s externalizing behavior in the Arctic region is governed by the internalized law of value of the modern world-system, i.e., the endless accumulation of capital. Secondly, China has benefited and is still benefiting from the division of labor, with Southeast Asia, Latin America, Africa, and most recently the Arctic serving as a relatively subordinated resource periphery. Thirdly, driven by a strong upward mobility, China has leapfrogged the periphery and semi-periphery and gained a semi-core position with an upward trend towards the core, by offering a favorable external environment to the Arctic (invitation to promote). Lastly, since the world-economy is currently in a Kondratieff B-phase, China, as an emerging global core power, is logically dedicated to the relocation of productive activity and the probability of alternative profitable outlets, where the Arctic is highly compatible. \u0000Keywords: China, Arctic, world-system theory, endless accumulation of capital, division of labor, upward mobility, Kondratieff B-phase","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46350471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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