R. D. Castro, José Shirley Pessoa do Nascimento, Francisca Izabel A. dos Santos
{"title":"巴西的社会保障和劳工改革:2016年弹劾后的民主调解","authors":"R. D. Castro, José Shirley Pessoa do Nascimento, Francisca Izabel A. dos Santos","doi":"10.20287/ec.n26.v2.a20","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"From 2013 Brazil has given a new meaning to its policy in a very particular way. One of the most striking consequences for the country’s democracy was the culmination of the impeachment of the twice- elected president (2010 and 2014) with more than 51 million direct votes, Dilma Rousseff, of the Partido dos Trabalhadores. The new government started in 2015 was marked by intense oppositionist manifestations articulated by right-wing parties and rightwing politicians, together with conservative and neo- liberal sectors and institutions such as the Federacao da Industria de Sao Paulo (FIESP) and with broad support, in an alternation of scheduling and spiral of silence, of much of the traditional and corporatist Brazilian media. Parallel to this, the isolation of the legislative branch from one of the largest investigations into corruption (which begins within Petrobras and expands to other institutions, including the real estate market and the political class) -the Lava Jato, which included the name of most Brazilian politicians ended up generating a crisis not only of political representation, but within the political system itself. President Dilma suffers a coup d’etat and leaves the government in 2016. Assumes its deputy president, Michel Temer, with the proposal of being \"the president of the great reforms\". In this context are inserted the proposals for social security reform (PEC 287) that among other things changes the minimum age required for retirement; and the labor reform that dilutes some rights of the formal workers in the name of a generation of employment and income of the productive sector, as an alternative to come out of the economic crisis. However, the mood of dissatisfaction and polarization between left and right did not calm down after impeachment. And since the beginning of 2017, when these two reforms were put on the agenda of the media and Congress for voting, a series of protests, demonstrations and strikes reasserted the forces of desire for direct political participation. The left, somewhat discouraged post-impeachment, saw the popular dissatisfaction with the two reforms, the possibility of union of a large part of the population in a single cause: stop the dismantling of workers’ rights. Thus, some demonstrations and striking movements were carried out in the first year of the Temer Government, but silenced or scheduled in a distorted way by the mainstream media. This article therefore proposes to analyze the implementation of reforms of Social Security and Labor Legislation as mechanisms of popular cohesion around dissatisfaction with the new government of Michel Temer and how this relates directly to the media coverage that has made on social manifestations after the impeachment of President Dilma. Qualitatively it will proceed the analysis of discourse of the main news made around the reforms.","PeriodicalId":55854,"journal":{"name":"Estudos em Comunicacao","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2018-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"2","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Reforma da previdência e trabalhista no Brasil: a democracia midiatizada no pós-impeachment de 2016\",\"authors\":\"R. D. 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Parallel to this, the isolation of the legislative branch from one of the largest investigations into corruption (which begins within Petrobras and expands to other institutions, including the real estate market and the political class) -the Lava Jato, which included the name of most Brazilian politicians ended up generating a crisis not only of political representation, but within the political system itself. President Dilma suffers a coup d’etat and leaves the government in 2016. Assumes its deputy president, Michel Temer, with the proposal of being \\\"the president of the great reforms\\\". In this context are inserted the proposals for social security reform (PEC 287) that among other things changes the minimum age required for retirement; and the labor reform that dilutes some rights of the formal workers in the name of a generation of employment and income of the productive sector, as an alternative to come out of the economic crisis. However, the mood of dissatisfaction and polarization between left and right did not calm down after impeachment. And since the beginning of 2017, when these two reforms were put on the agenda of the media and Congress for voting, a series of protests, demonstrations and strikes reasserted the forces of desire for direct political participation. The left, somewhat discouraged post-impeachment, saw the popular dissatisfaction with the two reforms, the possibility of union of a large part of the population in a single cause: stop the dismantling of workers’ rights. Thus, some demonstrations and striking movements were carried out in the first year of the Temer Government, but silenced or scheduled in a distorted way by the mainstream media. This article therefore proposes to analyze the implementation of reforms of Social Security and Labor Legislation as mechanisms of popular cohesion around dissatisfaction with the new government of Michel Temer and how this relates directly to the media coverage that has made on social manifestations after the impeachment of President Dilma. 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Reforma da previdência e trabalhista no Brasil: a democracia midiatizada no pós-impeachment de 2016
From 2013 Brazil has given a new meaning to its policy in a very particular way. One of the most striking consequences for the country’s democracy was the culmination of the impeachment of the twice- elected president (2010 and 2014) with more than 51 million direct votes, Dilma Rousseff, of the Partido dos Trabalhadores. The new government started in 2015 was marked by intense oppositionist manifestations articulated by right-wing parties and rightwing politicians, together with conservative and neo- liberal sectors and institutions such as the Federacao da Industria de Sao Paulo (FIESP) and with broad support, in an alternation of scheduling and spiral of silence, of much of the traditional and corporatist Brazilian media. Parallel to this, the isolation of the legislative branch from one of the largest investigations into corruption (which begins within Petrobras and expands to other institutions, including the real estate market and the political class) -the Lava Jato, which included the name of most Brazilian politicians ended up generating a crisis not only of political representation, but within the political system itself. President Dilma suffers a coup d’etat and leaves the government in 2016. Assumes its deputy president, Michel Temer, with the proposal of being "the president of the great reforms". In this context are inserted the proposals for social security reform (PEC 287) that among other things changes the minimum age required for retirement; and the labor reform that dilutes some rights of the formal workers in the name of a generation of employment and income of the productive sector, as an alternative to come out of the economic crisis. However, the mood of dissatisfaction and polarization between left and right did not calm down after impeachment. And since the beginning of 2017, when these two reforms were put on the agenda of the media and Congress for voting, a series of protests, demonstrations and strikes reasserted the forces of desire for direct political participation. The left, somewhat discouraged post-impeachment, saw the popular dissatisfaction with the two reforms, the possibility of union of a large part of the population in a single cause: stop the dismantling of workers’ rights. Thus, some demonstrations and striking movements were carried out in the first year of the Temer Government, but silenced or scheduled in a distorted way by the mainstream media. This article therefore proposes to analyze the implementation of reforms of Social Security and Labor Legislation as mechanisms of popular cohesion around dissatisfaction with the new government of Michel Temer and how this relates directly to the media coverage that has made on social manifestations after the impeachment of President Dilma. Qualitatively it will proceed the analysis of discourse of the main news made around the reforms.
期刊介绍:
The main guidelines of the Journal editorial policy are oriented to the concepts of "citizenship" and "participation", understood from a communicational point of view, involving processes and devices of knowledge circulation and opinion formation in the political field in general, and in specific areas of public policy such as health, education, science culture, public opinion, gender and identity. As examples of priority interests areas one finds the following: journalism and public opinion; citizen, participatory and public journalism; responsibility and accountability of institutions, governments and companies; media and public sphere; social movements in the areas of environment, science, health, ecology, culture, identity and gender; media and political parties; political representation; new forms of online participation; methods of analysis of participation; digital democracy; media, deliberation and participation; communitarian communication; communication and development; policies of recognition and comparative studies of communication in different geographical and cultural contexts, among others.