巴西的社会保障和劳工改革:2016年弹劾后的民主调解

Q3 Social Sciences Estudos em Comunicacao Pub Date : 2018-05-30 DOI:10.20287/ec.n26.v2.a20
R. D. Castro, José Shirley Pessoa do Nascimento, Francisca Izabel A. dos Santos
{"title":"巴西的社会保障和劳工改革:2016年弹劾后的民主调解","authors":"R. D. Castro, José Shirley Pessoa do Nascimento, Francisca Izabel A. dos Santos","doi":"10.20287/ec.n26.v2.a20","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"From 2013 Brazil has given a new meaning to its policy in a very particular way. One of the most striking consequences for the country’s democracy was the culmination of the impeachment of the twice- elected president (2010 and 2014) with more than 51 million direct votes, Dilma Rousseff, of the Partido dos Trabalhadores. The new government started in 2015 was marked by intense oppositionist manifestations articulated by right-wing parties and rightwing politicians, together with conservative and neo- liberal sectors and institutions such as the Federacao da Industria de Sao Paulo (FIESP) and with broad support, in an alternation of scheduling and spiral of silence, of much of the traditional and corporatist Brazilian media. Parallel to this, the isolation of the legislative branch from one of the largest investigations into corruption (which begins within Petrobras and expands to other institutions, including the real estate market and the political class) -the Lava Jato, which included the name of most Brazilian politicians ended up generating a crisis not only of political representation, but within the political system itself. President Dilma suffers a coup d’etat and leaves the government in 2016. Assumes its deputy president, Michel Temer, with the proposal of being \"the president of the great reforms\". In this context are inserted the proposals for social security reform (PEC 287) that among other things changes the minimum  age required for retirement; and the labor reform that dilutes some rights of the formal workers in the name of a generation of employment and income of the productive sector, as an alternative to come out of the economic crisis. However, the mood of dissatisfaction and polarization between left and right did not calm down after impeachment. And since the beginning of 2017, when these two reforms were put on the agenda of the media and Congress for voting, a series of protests, demonstrations and strikes reasserted the forces of desire for direct political participation. The left, somewhat discouraged post-impeachment, saw the popular dissatisfaction with the two reforms, the possibility of union of a large part of the population in a single cause: stop the dismantling of workers’ rights. Thus, some demonstrations and striking movements were carried out in the first year of the Temer Government, but silenced or scheduled in a distorted way by the mainstream media. This article therefore proposes to analyze the implementation of reforms of Social Security and Labor Legislation as mechanisms of popular cohesion around dissatisfaction with the new government of Michel Temer and how this relates directly to the media coverage that has made on social manifestations after the impeachment of President Dilma. Qualitatively it will proceed the analysis of discourse of the main news made around the reforms.","PeriodicalId":55854,"journal":{"name":"Estudos em Comunicacao","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2018-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"2","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Reforma da previdência e trabalhista no Brasil: a democracia midiatizada no pós-impeachment de 2016\",\"authors\":\"R. D. Castro, José Shirley Pessoa do Nascimento, Francisca Izabel A. dos Santos\",\"doi\":\"10.20287/ec.n26.v2.a20\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"From 2013 Brazil has given a new meaning to its policy in a very particular way. One of the most striking consequences for the country’s democracy was the culmination of the impeachment of the twice- elected president (2010 and 2014) with more than 51 million direct votes, Dilma Rousseff, of the Partido dos Trabalhadores. The new government started in 2015 was marked by intense oppositionist manifestations articulated by right-wing parties and rightwing politicians, together with conservative and neo- liberal sectors and institutions such as the Federacao da Industria de Sao Paulo (FIESP) and with broad support, in an alternation of scheduling and spiral of silence, of much of the traditional and corporatist Brazilian media. Parallel to this, the isolation of the legislative branch from one of the largest investigations into corruption (which begins within Petrobras and expands to other institutions, including the real estate market and the political class) -the Lava Jato, which included the name of most Brazilian politicians ended up generating a crisis not only of political representation, but within the political system itself. President Dilma suffers a coup d’etat and leaves the government in 2016. Assumes its deputy president, Michel Temer, with the proposal of being \\\"the president of the great reforms\\\". In this context are inserted the proposals for social security reform (PEC 287) that among other things changes the minimum  age required for retirement; and the labor reform that dilutes some rights of the formal workers in the name of a generation of employment and income of the productive sector, as an alternative to come out of the economic crisis. However, the mood of dissatisfaction and polarization between left and right did not calm down after impeachment. And since the beginning of 2017, when these two reforms were put on the agenda of the media and Congress for voting, a series of protests, demonstrations and strikes reasserted the forces of desire for direct political participation. The left, somewhat discouraged post-impeachment, saw the popular dissatisfaction with the two reforms, the possibility of union of a large part of the population in a single cause: stop the dismantling of workers’ rights. Thus, some demonstrations and striking movements were carried out in the first year of the Temer Government, but silenced or scheduled in a distorted way by the mainstream media. This article therefore proposes to analyze the implementation of reforms of Social Security and Labor Legislation as mechanisms of popular cohesion around dissatisfaction with the new government of Michel Temer and how this relates directly to the media coverage that has made on social manifestations after the impeachment of President Dilma. Qualitatively it will proceed the analysis of discourse of the main news made around the reforms.\",\"PeriodicalId\":55854,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Estudos em Comunicacao\",\"volume\":\" \",\"pages\":\"\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2018-05-30\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"2\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Estudos em Comunicacao\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.20287/ec.n26.v2.a20\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q3\",\"JCRName\":\"Social Sciences\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Estudos em Comunicacao","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.20287/ec.n26.v2.a20","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"Social Sciences","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2

摘要

从2013年起,巴西以一种非常特殊的方式赋予了其政策新的含义。该国民主最引人注目的后果之一是对两次当选总统(2010年和2014年)的弹劾达到了高潮,该总统拥有5100多万张直接选票,来自特拉巴尔哈多雷斯党的迪尔玛·罗塞夫。2015年成立的新政府的特点是右翼政党和右翼政客,以及保守派和新自由派部门和机构,如圣保罗工业联合会(FIESP),在广泛的支持下,在时间安排和沉默螺旋的交替中,表达了强烈的反对情绪,许多传统和社团主义的巴西媒体。与此同时,立法部门与最大的腐败调查之一(始于巴西国家石油公司内部,并扩展到包括房地产市场和政治阶层在内的其他机构)——Lava Jato——隔绝,其中包括大多数巴西政客的名字,最终不仅引发了政治代表性危机,而是在政治体系内部。迪尔马总统遭遇政变,于2016年离开政府。任命其副总统米歇尔·特梅尔为“伟大改革的总统”。在这方面,插入了社会保障改革提案(PEC 287),其中包括改变退休所需的最低年龄;以及劳工改革,以生产部门一代人的就业和收入的名义稀释了正式工人的一些权利,作为摆脱经济危机的替代方案。然而,在弹劾之后,不满和左右两极化的情绪并没有平静下来。自2017年初,当这两项改革被列入媒体和国会的议程进行投票以来,一系列抗议、示威和罢工再次确立了直接政治参与的愿望。左派在弹劾后有些气馁,他们看到了民众对这两项改革的不满,以及将大部分人口团结在一个单一事业上的可能性:停止废除工人权利。因此,在特梅尔政府执政的第一年,进行了一些示威和罢工运动,但主流媒体却以扭曲的方式压制或安排了示威和罢工。因此,本文建议分析社会保障和劳工立法改革的实施情况,将其作为民众对米歇尔·特梅尔新政府不满的凝聚机制,以及这与媒体对迪尔马总统弹劾后社会表现的报道有何直接关系。定性地对改革前后的主要新闻话语进行分析。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
查看原文
分享 分享
微信好友 朋友圈 QQ好友 复制链接
本刊更多论文
Reforma da previdência e trabalhista no Brasil: a democracia midiatizada no pós-impeachment de 2016
From 2013 Brazil has given a new meaning to its policy in a very particular way. One of the most striking consequences for the country’s democracy was the culmination of the impeachment of the twice- elected president (2010 and 2014) with more than 51 million direct votes, Dilma Rousseff, of the Partido dos Trabalhadores. The new government started in 2015 was marked by intense oppositionist manifestations articulated by right-wing parties and rightwing politicians, together with conservative and neo- liberal sectors and institutions such as the Federacao da Industria de Sao Paulo (FIESP) and with broad support, in an alternation of scheduling and spiral of silence, of much of the traditional and corporatist Brazilian media. Parallel to this, the isolation of the legislative branch from one of the largest investigations into corruption (which begins within Petrobras and expands to other institutions, including the real estate market and the political class) -the Lava Jato, which included the name of most Brazilian politicians ended up generating a crisis not only of political representation, but within the political system itself. President Dilma suffers a coup d’etat and leaves the government in 2016. Assumes its deputy president, Michel Temer, with the proposal of being "the president of the great reforms". In this context are inserted the proposals for social security reform (PEC 287) that among other things changes the minimum  age required for retirement; and the labor reform that dilutes some rights of the formal workers in the name of a generation of employment and income of the productive sector, as an alternative to come out of the economic crisis. However, the mood of dissatisfaction and polarization between left and right did not calm down after impeachment. And since the beginning of 2017, when these two reforms were put on the agenda of the media and Congress for voting, a series of protests, demonstrations and strikes reasserted the forces of desire for direct political participation. The left, somewhat discouraged post-impeachment, saw the popular dissatisfaction with the two reforms, the possibility of union of a large part of the population in a single cause: stop the dismantling of workers’ rights. Thus, some demonstrations and striking movements were carried out in the first year of the Temer Government, but silenced or scheduled in a distorted way by the mainstream media. This article therefore proposes to analyze the implementation of reforms of Social Security and Labor Legislation as mechanisms of popular cohesion around dissatisfaction with the new government of Michel Temer and how this relates directly to the media coverage that has made on social manifestations after the impeachment of President Dilma. Qualitatively it will proceed the analysis of discourse of the main news made around the reforms.
求助全文
通过发布文献求助,成功后即可免费获取论文全文。 去求助
来源期刊
Estudos em Comunicacao
Estudos em Comunicacao Social Sciences-Communication
CiteScore
0.50
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
审稿时长
4 weeks
期刊介绍: The main guidelines of the Journal editorial policy are oriented to the concepts of "citizenship" and "participation", understood from a communicational point of view, involving processes and devices of knowledge circulation and opinion formation in the political field in general, and in specific areas of public policy such as health, education, science culture, public opinion, gender and identity. As examples of priority interests areas one finds the following: journalism and public opinion; citizen, participatory and public journalism; responsibility and accountability of institutions, governments and companies; media and public sphere; social movements in the areas of environment, science, health, ecology, culture, identity and gender; media and political parties; political representation; new forms of online participation; methods of analysis of participation; digital democracy; media, deliberation and participation; communitarian communication; communication and development; policies of recognition and comparative studies of communication in different geographical and cultural contexts, among others.
期刊最新文献
Entre o profano e o sagrado: ritos, símbolos e mitos na campanha de um time de futebol brasileiro Access and appropriation of journalistic news on social networks in Brazil: Refining the notion of “participation” “Era bom que trocássemos umas ideias sobre o assunto”: análise à retórica da tecnologia Redes, ativismo e mobilizações públicas. Ação coletiva e ação conectada O recurso ao Transmedia Storytelling para promoção da imagem de uma empresa de design e criatividade
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
已复制链接
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
×
扫码分享
扫码分享
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1