普通话wh问题的处理机制

IF 0.2 3区 文学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Journal of Chinese Linguistics Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI:10.1353/jcl.2023.0009
Yang Yang, Leticia Pablos, L. Cheng
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Specifically, and due to the claims made in the literature regarding the nature of bare and complex wh-questions, we compared bare wh-questions with declarative counterparts that contained indefinites, and complex wh-questions with declarative counterparts that contained definites. Our findings show that, regardless of their bare or complex nature, wh-questions were in general processed with more cost (i.e., reading delay) than their declarative counterparts, providing evidence that a covert-dependency is built in wh-questions. In particular, based on our results we claim that after reading the core whelement, the parser immediately starts the process of resolving the wh-question interpretation by establishing the covert dependency.摘要:汉语普通话的特殊疑问句是在位疑问句,即疑问词的位置和陈述句对应名词的位置相同(例如\"约翰买了什么?\"),并不移到句首。理论语言学的研究表明,在位的疑问词与句子左缘的 SpecCP 存在隐性的依存关系,但这种依存关系能否从在线句子加工中找到证据,尚不得而知。除此之外,光杆疑问词(例如\"谁\")与复杂的疑问词(例如\"哪个同学\")本质不同,因为前者是 wh-不定指,类似于不定代词 (Cheng 1991), 而后者性质与有定代词类似 (Rullmann and Beck, 1998)。为了更好地揭示普通话特殊疑问句的加工机制,文章进行了两个自控步速阅读实验,来对比疑问句和对应陈述句的加工模式。具体说来,根据文献中对光杆疑问词和复杂疑问词的区分,我们分别对比了光杆疑问句和包含了对应不定代词陈述句的加工区别,以及复杂疑问句和包含了对应有定代词陈述句的加工区别。研究结果表明,尽管疑问词的性质有光杆和复杂之分,疑问句整体上都要比对应陈述句加工成本更高 (即需要更多的加工时间) 。这为普通话特殊疑问句中隐性依存关系的建构提供了在线加工上的证据。此外,实验的结果显示,只要阅读到 wh-成分 (例如\"哪个\"、\"谁\") ,被试就开始了疑问依存关系的建构,不需要读完整个词组 (例如\"哪个同学\")。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The processing mechanisms of Mandarin wh-questions\",\"authors\":\"Yang Yang, Leticia Pablos, L. 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引用次数: 1

摘要

ABSTRACT: Wh question phrases in Mandarin remain in situ at their base position (e.g., John bought what?) Although theoretical studies show that there is a cover dependency between the in situ question word/phrase and SpecCP, little is known how this dependency is evinced in the processing of Mandarin wh-in-situ questions In addition, bar Mandarin wh phrases like sh é i 'who' are different from complex ones like n ǎ Ge t ó ngxu é 'which classmate', as the former are known as wh indicators, on a par with definitions (Cheng 1991), while the latter are considered on a par with definitions (Rullmann and Beck 1998) To uncover the processing mechanism of wh-in-situ questions, we conducted two self paced reading studies where we compared their processing behavior with that of their declarative counterparts Specifically, and due to the claims made in the quality regulation of the nature of bare and complex wh questions, we compared bare wh questions with declarative counterparts that contained definitions, and complex wh questions with declarative counterparts that contained definitions Our findings show that, regulations of their bare or complex nature, wh questions were in general processed with more cost (i.e., reading delay) than their declarative counterparts, providing evidence that a cover dependency is built in wh questions In particular, based on our results we claim that after reading the core element, the parser immediately starts the process of resolving the wh question interpretation by examining the cover dependency. Abstract: Special questions in Mandarin Chinese are in place questions, where the position of the question word is the same as the position of the corresponding noun in the declarative sentence (such as "What did John buy?") and do not move to the beginning of the sentence. Theoretical linguistics research has shown that there is an implicit dependency relationship between the interrogative words in place and the SpecCP at the left edge of the sentence, but it is not yet known whether this dependency relationship can be found in online sentence processing. In addition, bare rod interrogative words (such as "who") are fundamentally different from complex interrogative words (such as "which classmate") because the former is a wh indefinite referent, similar to an indefinite pronoun (Cheng 1991), while the latter has properties similar to a definite pronoun (Rullmann and Beck, 1998). In order to better reveal the processing mechanism of special interrogative sentences in Mandarin, the article conducted two self paced reading experiments to compare the processing patterns of interrogative sentences and corresponding declarative sentences. Specifically, based on the distinction between bare pole interrogative words and complex interrogative words in the literature, we compared the processing differences between bare pole interrogative sentences and declarative sentences containing corresponding indefinite pronouns, as well as the processing differences between complex interrogative sentences and declarative sentences containing corresponding definite pronouns. The research results indicate that although interrogative words have both smooth and complex properties, interrogative sentences generally have higher processing costs (i.e. require more processing time) than corresponding declarative sentences. This provides evidence for the construction of implicit dependency relationships in Mandarin special question sentences through online processing. In addition, the results of the experiment showed that as long as the wh component (such as "which" and "who") was read, the subjects began to construct interrogative dependency relationships, without the need to read the entire phrase (such as "which classmate").
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The processing mechanisms of Mandarin wh-questions
ABSTRACT:Wh-question phrases in Mandarin remain in-situ at their base position (e.g., John bought what?). Although theoretical studies show that there is a covert dependency between the in-situ question word/phrase and SpecCP, little is known how this dependency is evidenced in the processing of Mandarin wh-in-situ questions. In addition, bare Mandarin wh-phrases like shéi 'who' are different from complex ones like nǎge tóngxué 'which classmate', as the former are known as wh-indeterminates, on a par with indefinites (Cheng 1991), while the latter are considered on a par with definites (Rullmann and Beck 1998). To uncover the processing mechanism of wh-in-situ questions, we conducted two self-paced reading studies where we compared their processing behavior with that of their declarative counterparts. Specifically, and due to the claims made in the literature regarding the nature of bare and complex wh-questions, we compared bare wh-questions with declarative counterparts that contained indefinites, and complex wh-questions with declarative counterparts that contained definites. Our findings show that, regardless of their bare or complex nature, wh-questions were in general processed with more cost (i.e., reading delay) than their declarative counterparts, providing evidence that a covert-dependency is built in wh-questions. In particular, based on our results we claim that after reading the core whelement, the parser immediately starts the process of resolving the wh-question interpretation by establishing the covert dependency.摘要:汉语普通话的特殊疑问句是在位疑问句,即疑问词的位置和陈述句对应名词的位置相同(例如"约翰买了什么?"),并不移到句首。理论语言学的研究表明,在位的疑问词与句子左缘的 SpecCP 存在隐性的依存关系,但这种依存关系能否从在线句子加工中找到证据,尚不得而知。除此之外,光杆疑问词(例如"谁")与复杂的疑问词(例如"哪个同学")本质不同,因为前者是 wh-不定指,类似于不定代词 (Cheng 1991), 而后者性质与有定代词类似 (Rullmann and Beck, 1998)。为了更好地揭示普通话特殊疑问句的加工机制,文章进行了两个自控步速阅读实验,来对比疑问句和对应陈述句的加工模式。具体说来,根据文献中对光杆疑问词和复杂疑问词的区分,我们分别对比了光杆疑问句和包含了对应不定代词陈述句的加工区别,以及复杂疑问句和包含了对应有定代词陈述句的加工区别。研究结果表明,尽管疑问词的性质有光杆和复杂之分,疑问句整体上都要比对应陈述句加工成本更高 (即需要更多的加工时间) 。这为普通话特殊疑问句中隐性依存关系的建构提供了在线加工上的证据。此外,实验的结果显示,只要阅读到 wh-成分 (例如"哪个"、"谁") ,被试就开始了疑问依存关系的建构,不需要读完整个词组 (例如"哪个同学")。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.40
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期刊介绍: Journal of Chinese Linguistics (JCL) is an academic journal, which comprises research content from both general linguistics and Chinese linguistics. It is edited by a distinguished editorial board of international expertise. There are two publications: Journal of Chinese Linguistics (JCL) and Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series (JCLMS).
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