战争景观的全球视角。雨果C。池原-筑山和胡安·卡洛斯·巴尔加斯·鲁伊斯,编辑。2022年。路易斯维尔科罗拉多大学出版社和哥伦比亚圣玛尔塔马格达莱纳大学出版社。VI+300页。75.00美元(精装),ISBN 978-1-64642-099-5。

IF 1.1 3区 地球科学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Latin American Antiquity Pub Date : 2023-05-17 DOI:10.1017/laq.2023.19
P. Roscoe
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Understandably, he relies heavily on the archaeologists who worked most recently at each site. For example, his treatment of Caral summarizes the perspective of Ruth Shady, and the discussion of Sechín recapitulates the conclusions of Shelia and Tom Pozorski. Tantaleán rarely explores conclusions that are currently under debate or that are favored by the primary investigators but are not supported by evidence existing at the present time. In his desire to discuss social and political relations, Tantaleán frequently relies on positions that have yet to be confirmed with fieldwork. It is worth noting that in Jeffrey Quilter’s recent synthesis of Andean prehistory, the first two of Tantaleán’s examples—Caral and Sechín—are not considered to be states, and even Moche is argued to be problematic in this regard. Tantaleán’s characterization of Wari as the capital of an empire likewise remains a subject of contention among specialists. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

这些讨论得到了突出证据和文献来源摘要的支持。其中大部分都是令人钦佩的最新版本,它提供了安第斯史前史的全景。文字清晰,没有行话。每一个案例研究都配有丰富的插图,并为Tantaleán的文本提供视觉支持。这本书可能最适合那些在安第斯山脉以外工作的人或非专业人士。它也适用于本科生和比较文明的班级。然而,这可能会让参与安第斯考古的调查人员失望。该卷中治疗的七个病例中的每一个都是众所周知的,Tantaleán几乎没有提供原始的观察结果。可以理解的是,他在很大程度上依赖于最近在每个遗址工作的考古学家。例如,他对Caral的处理总结了Ruth Shady的观点,对Sechín的讨论重述了Shelia和Tom Pozorski的结论。Tantaleán很少探索目前正在辩论中的结论,也很少探索初级调查人员青睐但目前没有证据支持的结论。Tantaleán希望讨论社会和政治关系,他经常依赖尚未通过实地调查证实的立场。值得注意的是,在Jeffrey Quilter最近对安第斯史前史的综合中,Tantaleán的前两个例子——Caral和Sechín——并不被认为是国家,甚至Moche也被认为在这方面有问题。Tantaleán将瓦里描述为一个帝国的首都,这同样也是专家们争论的主题。Tantaleán指出,本卷的主要目的是强调每个国家的形成都产生了一系列独特的特征,但也有一些共同的特征。Tantaleán挑选出的许多独特元素一点也不令人惊讶。例如,他发现国家是在对比鲜明的地理环境中发展起来的,因此表明环境决定论不是国家出现的关键因素。此外,他指出,正如预期的那样,物质文化与每个地方的可用资源有关,例如奇姆文化对土坯建筑的偏好,而高地瓦里首府则以石头建筑为主。Tantaleán关于各州之间共同特征的结论更有趣。他认为,大多数安第斯国家的人口都分散在村庄和城镇中,尽管大多数国家的首都是城市中心。这些城市的规模和组织结构千差万别。Tantaleán还得出结论,安第斯前社会实践没有明确区分政治和宗教,这种联系是不同年龄和地理位置的安第斯国家的特点。与此相关的是,每个安第斯国家都在户外的大型广场和主要建筑的顶部举行了大规模的仪式。不同州之间的另一个共同实践是建造纪念性建筑。这些建筑在形式和功能上各不相同,但在坦塔良看来,反映了精英阶层控制平民劳动的能力。与此同时,Tantaleán认为,安第斯圣地是精英阶层用来对海岸和高地进行政治和宗教控制的重要元素。不同国家之间相似的另一个特点是,真实和象征性的亲属关系经常在行使权力和组织国家方面发挥核心作用。在一篇结语中,Tantaleán呼应了马克思的结论,即国家是精英们开发的一种工具,用来重现他们受益最大的生活方式。然而,他也承认,在漫长的史前历史轨迹中,国家并不是唯一或最好的政治形式。如果他在下一本书中更充分地发展这种观点,那将是值得的。Tantaleán以一段令人难忘的话结束了这本雄心勃勃的书。他写道:“尽管数千年来一直受到本土或外国精英的控制和统治,但安第斯社区仍然生存下来,获得了新的知识,并在这一过程中改变了自己。对这些人来说,安第斯曾经是,现在也是他们的家——正如他们数千年来所做的那样,无论他们遇到什么情况,他们都将竭尽全力再次生存和重建。”
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Global Perspectives on Landscapes of Warfare. Hugo C. Ikehara-Tsukayama and Juan Carlos Vargas Ruiz, editors. 2022. University Press of Colorado, Louisville, and Editorial de la Universidad del Magdalena, Santa Marta, Colombia. vi + 300 pp. $75.00 (hardback), ISBN 978-1-64642-099-5.
These discussions are supported by a summary of the salient evidence and the bibliographic sources from which it is drawn. Most of this is admirably up to date, and collectively it provides a panoramic vision of Andean prehistory. The writing is clear and free of jargon. Abundant illustrations accompany each case study and offer visual support for Tantaleán’s text. The book is perhaps best suited for those working outside the Andes or for nonspecialists. It would also be appropriate for undergraduates and for classes in comparative civilizations. However, it may disappoint investigators involved in Andean archaeology. Each of the seven cases treated in the volume is already well known, and Tantaleán offers few original observations. Understandably, he relies heavily on the archaeologists who worked most recently at each site. For example, his treatment of Caral summarizes the perspective of Ruth Shady, and the discussion of Sechín recapitulates the conclusions of Shelia and Tom Pozorski. Tantaleán rarely explores conclusions that are currently under debate or that are favored by the primary investigators but are not supported by evidence existing at the present time. In his desire to discuss social and political relations, Tantaleán frequently relies on positions that have yet to be confirmed with fieldwork. It is worth noting that in Jeffrey Quilter’s recent synthesis of Andean prehistory, the first two of Tantaleán’s examples—Caral and Sechín—are not considered to be states, and even Moche is argued to be problematic in this regard. Tantaleán’s characterization of Wari as the capital of an empire likewise remains a subject of contention among specialists. Tantaleán states that the main purpose of this volume is to highlight that the formation of each state generated a series of distinctive characteristics but also shared some common features. Many of the unique elements singled out by Tantaleán are far from surprising. For example, he found that states developed in contrasting geographic settings, thus suggesting that environmental determinism is not a crucial factor in the appearance of states. Moreover, he notes that, as would be expected, material culture varies in relationship to the available resources in each location, such as the Chimu culture’s preference for adobe architecture while the highland Wari capital is dominated by stone constructions. Tantaleán’s conclusions regarding shared features between the states are more interesting. He argues that the population of most Andean states was dispersed in villages and towns, although most had an urban center serving as its capital. The size and organization of these cities varied widely. Tantaleán also concludes that prehispanic Andean social practices did not clearly differentiate between politics and religion and that this linkage characterized Andean states of different ages and geographic locations. Related to this, every Andean state conducted massive rituals outdoors in large plazas and on the summit of principal buildings. Another shared practice among the different states was the construction of monumental architecture. These buildings differed in form and function but, in Tantalean’s opinion, reflected the ability of the elites to control the labor of commoners. At the same time, Tantaleán argues that Andean sacred landscapes were an important element used by the elite to exercise political and religious control on the coast and the highlands. Another feature of similarity among the different states was that real and symbolic kinship relations frequently played a central role in exercising power and organizing the state. In an epilogue Tantaleán echoes Marx when he concludes that states were an instrument developed by the elites to reproduce a way of life from which they benefited most. However, he also acknowledges that states were not the only or the best political form during the long prehispanic historical trajectory. It would be worthwhile if in his next book he more fully develops this perspective. Tantaleán ends this ambitious volume with a memorable passage. He writes, “Despite millennia of control and domination by native or foreign elites, the Andean communities have survived, acquiring new knowledge, and transforming themselves along the way. For these people, the Andes was and is their home—and as they have for millennia, they will do everything in their power to survive and rebuild yet again, in whatever circumstances they may encounter.”
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