战前澳大利亚的奥地利犹太难民

IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Zeitgeschichte Pub Date : 2021-04-12 DOI:10.14220/ZSCH.2021.48.2.253
P. Strobl
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They show, how refugees recalled having experienced “everyday otherness” upon their arrival, a process that, as this paper argues, sustainably affected success or failure of their transition from being a “stranger” in the contact phase towards their acculturation 1 Refugees in Australia A Historical Introduction Refugee migration to Australia has a short history compared to other states. Many factors are responsible for this, amongst others the fact that most of the refugees of the 19th and early 20th century may have “perceived the country to be too remote”, as historian Klaus Neumann puts it in his recent book about Australia’s responses to refugees.1 The country was barely touched by the major refugee movements of the late 19th century.2 Consequently, when the first Australian parliament congregated on 9 May 1900, refugee issues were not to be found on any agendas. Furthermore, three quarters of a century would pass before a comprehensive refugee policy was announced in parliament. Until the 1970s, refugees were regarded as alien immigrants thus having to match strict ethnic, and financial immigration criteria. Once arrived in Australia, “they were supposed to leave behind their experiences of suffering, and their allegiances to their native countries”3. As historian Andrew Marcus puts it, Australians, since the turn of the 19th century developed a “clear concept of themselves as [...] superior to all nonEuropean [high status]4 people”. Thus, as he claims, “discrimination on the grounds of race became normal, accepted behaviour.”5 From its first foundational meeting on, the Australian parliament designed laws such as the Immigration Restriction Bill or the Pacific Island Labourers Bill to exclude those who have been regarded as “undesirable”. As a result, Australia’s population became even more racially homogenous during the first four decades of the 20th century.6 Until 1948, its residents were British subjects. They came overwhelmingly from the British Isles, either by birth or by descent. Australia’s Chinese-born population, which constituted the largest non-indigenous, non-European minority, for example, shrank from 29,000 1 Klaus Neumann, Across the Seas: Australia’s response to refugees: A History (Collingwood: Black Inc., 2015), 5. 2 Except for some few German Lutherans who fled Prussia and the odd émigrés from Europe, see: Neumann, Across the Seas, 17. 3 Neumann, Across the Seas, 1. 4 Generally, only people from Great Britain and northern Europe were seen as high-status immigrants. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

作为一片新土地上的“陌生人”,来自国家社会主义的犹太难民在抵达澳大利亚时经历了被称为“日常另类”的经历。本文分析了难民对日常生活情景的记忆,以展示自我身份的动态,以及在澳大利亚,不同而复杂的方式、遭遇对他们的社会关系和身份形成的影响。它位于城市研究和移民史的交叉点,根据难民抵达后早年的记忆,采用定性、传记的方法来确定遭遇的经历。对他们遭遇经历的记忆提供了对他们经历意义的反思性判断。他们展示了难民如何回忆起他们抵达时经历的“日常另类”,正如本文所说,这一过程可持续地影响了他们从接触阶段的“陌生人”向文化适应过渡的成败。1澳大利亚难民历史简介与其他州相比,难民移民到澳大利亚的历史很短。造成这种情况的原因有很多,其中包括历史学家克劳斯·诺依曼在其最近出版的关于澳大利亚应对难民的书中所说的,19世纪和20世纪初的大多数难民可能“认为这个国家太偏远了”。1 19世纪末的主要难民潮几乎没有影响到这个国家。2因此,1900年5月9日,当澳大利亚第一届议会召开会议时,难民问题没有出现在任何议程上。此外,四分之三个世纪后,议会才宣布全面的难民政策。直到20世纪70年代,难民都被视为外国移民,因此必须符合严格的种族和经济移民标准。一到澳大利亚,“他们就应该把痛苦的经历和对祖国的忠诚抛在脑后”。正如历史学家安德鲁·马库斯所说,自19世纪之交以来,澳大利亚人就形成了一种“明确的观念,认为自己[…]优于所有非欧洲人[高地位]4”。因此,正如他所说,“基于种族的歧视成为了正常的、可接受的行为。”5从第一次基础会议开始,澳大利亚议会就制定了《移民限制法案》或《太平洋岛屿劳工法案》等法律,将那些被视为“不受欢迎”的人排除在外。因此,在20世纪的头40年里,澳大利亚的人口变得更加种族同质。6直到1948年,其居民都是英国人。他们绝大多数来自不列颠群岛,无论是出生还是血统。例如,澳大利亚的中国出生人口是最大的非土著非欧洲少数民族,从29000人减少1克劳斯·诺伊曼,《跨越海洋:澳大利亚对难民的反应:历史》(Collingwood:Black股份有限公司,2015),5。2除了一些逃离普鲁士的德国路德会教徒和来自欧洲的奇怪移民外,参见:Neumann,《漂洋过海》,17。3诺依曼,《漂洋过海》,1。4一般来说,只有来自大不列颠和北欧的人被视为高地位移民。来自南欧或东欧的移民通常被视为一个独特的种族群体,见:Andrew Markus,《澳大利亚种族关系》,1788-1993,St Leonhard:Allen&Unwin,1994),145。5马库斯,《澳大利亚种族关系》,111。6诺依曼,《漂洋过海》,15。
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Austrian-Jewish Refugees in Pre- and Wartime Australia
As “strangers” in a new land, Jewish refugees from National Socialism had experienced, what has been described as “everyday otherness” upon their arrival in Australia. This paper analyses refugees’ memories of everydaylife situations to demonstrate the dynamics of self-identities and the diverse and complex ways, encounters had impacted upon their social relations and their identity formation in Australia. Located at the intersection of urban studies and the history of migration, it draws upon qualitative, biographical approaches based on the refugees’ memories of their early years after their arrival to pin down experiences of encounter. Memories on their encounter experiences offer a reflective judgment of the meaning of their experiences. They show, how refugees recalled having experienced “everyday otherness” upon their arrival, a process that, as this paper argues, sustainably affected success or failure of their transition from being a “stranger” in the contact phase towards their acculturation 1 Refugees in Australia A Historical Introduction Refugee migration to Australia has a short history compared to other states. Many factors are responsible for this, amongst others the fact that most of the refugees of the 19th and early 20th century may have “perceived the country to be too remote”, as historian Klaus Neumann puts it in his recent book about Australia’s responses to refugees.1 The country was barely touched by the major refugee movements of the late 19th century.2 Consequently, when the first Australian parliament congregated on 9 May 1900, refugee issues were not to be found on any agendas. Furthermore, three quarters of a century would pass before a comprehensive refugee policy was announced in parliament. Until the 1970s, refugees were regarded as alien immigrants thus having to match strict ethnic, and financial immigration criteria. Once arrived in Australia, “they were supposed to leave behind their experiences of suffering, and their allegiances to their native countries”3. As historian Andrew Marcus puts it, Australians, since the turn of the 19th century developed a “clear concept of themselves as [...] superior to all nonEuropean [high status]4 people”. Thus, as he claims, “discrimination on the grounds of race became normal, accepted behaviour.”5 From its first foundational meeting on, the Australian parliament designed laws such as the Immigration Restriction Bill or the Pacific Island Labourers Bill to exclude those who have been regarded as “undesirable”. As a result, Australia’s population became even more racially homogenous during the first four decades of the 20th century.6 Until 1948, its residents were British subjects. They came overwhelmingly from the British Isles, either by birth or by descent. Australia’s Chinese-born population, which constituted the largest non-indigenous, non-European minority, for example, shrank from 29,000 1 Klaus Neumann, Across the Seas: Australia’s response to refugees: A History (Collingwood: Black Inc., 2015), 5. 2 Except for some few German Lutherans who fled Prussia and the odd émigrés from Europe, see: Neumann, Across the Seas, 17. 3 Neumann, Across the Seas, 1. 4 Generally, only people from Great Britain and northern Europe were seen as high-status immigrants. Migrants from southern, or Eastern Europe usually were regarded as a distinct racial group, see: Andrew Markus, Australian race relations, 1788-1993, St Leonhard: Allen & Unwin, 1994), 145. 5 Markus, Australian Race Relations, 111. 6 Neumann, Across the Seas, 15.
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Zeitgeschichte
Zeitgeschichte Multiple-
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