美国的妇女、奴隶制和劳工

L. Marshall
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Cast into “male categories” (Gillin 2014, 13), Black women were thus blocked from participation in the U.S. cult of domesticity in which white women of enough financial means avoided physical labor as part of their claim to femininity. Black women’s de-gendering is also clearly tied to race’s increasing entrenchment as a “historically produced technology of power” (Brown 1996, 110) that was used to justify an economic system dependent on enslaved labor. Jennifer L. Morgan has argued that “the entire system of hereditary racial slavery depended on slaveowners’ willingness to ignore cultural meanings of work that had been established in England and to make Africans work in ways the English could not conceive of working themselves” (Morgan 2011, 145). Black women’s de-gendering experience under slavery remains central to the development of Black feminist thought across the disciplines; specifically, theorists argue that, thus denied their identity by enslavers, Black women formed new gender constructs and new definitions of motherhood (Battle-Baptiste 2011, 42). This last point brings up an important additional truth: there was one way in which women alone labored under slavery – as mothers. Enslavers’ claims on Black women’s labor included their reproductive capacities. The sexual coercion and abuse of enslaved women was systematic in the antebellum U.S. South. The rape of Black women by white overseers and enslavers was widespread, a feature as central to the slavery system as labor exploitation (Baptist 2001, 1619–1621). Additionally, enslaved Black men were often selected by slave owners as sexual partners or “husbands” for enslaved women against both parties’ wills (Berry 2007, 81). In both cases, children remained a key objective; enslaved women’s reproductive labor ensured the next generation of people in bondage. Once these children were born, Black mothers typically found themselves forced to quickly return to agricultural labor – the care of their infants passed off to older children or the elderly infirm. Mothers also knew that their hold on these bonds remained tenuous as their children could be, and very often were, sold away from them by their enslavers. In the United States, Black mothers under slavery lost over half of their children to early death, whether through stillbirth or as infants or young children (Morgan 2011, 111). 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引用次数: 0

摘要

从建国之初,美国占主导地位的欧美文化就包括父权制意识形态,这种意识形态强加了简化的男女二元性别。然而,当与奴役和种族主义的影响交织在一起时,这种意识形态对非裔美国女性的分类和对待与白人女性截然不同;它剥夺了他们任何性别的相对特权。在美国,被奴役的黑人女性通常做与男性同行相同的工作。许多妇女在农田里劳动;在某些情况下,他们甚至构成了大多数田间工人,例如南卡罗来纳州的水稻种植(Jones 2010,15)。因此,黑人女性被归入“男性类别”(Gillin 2014,13),无法参与美国对家庭生活的崇拜,在这种崇拜中,有足够经济能力的白人女性避免体力劳动,以此作为她们女性气质的一部分。黑人女性的去性别化显然也与种族作为一种“历史上产生的权力技术”(Brown 1996110)的日益根深蒂固有关,这种技术被用来为依赖奴役劳动力的经济体系辩护。詹妮弗·L·摩根(Jennifer L.Morgan)认为,“整个世袭种族奴隶制体系取决于奴隶主是否愿意忽视在英国建立的工作的文化意义,并让非洲人以英国人无法想象的方式工作”(Morgan 2011145)。黑人女性在奴隶制下的去性别化经历仍然是黑人女权主义思想跨学科发展的核心;具体来说,理论家们认为,黑人女性因此被奴役者否定了自己的身份,形成了新的性别结构和对母性的新定义(Battle Baptiste 2011,42)。最后一点引出了一个重要的额外事实:有一种方式是女性独自在奴隶制下劳动——作为母亲。奴役者对黑人妇女劳动的主张包括她们的生育能力。在南北战争前的美国南部,对被奴役妇女的性胁迫和性虐待是系统性的。白人监督者和奴役者强奸黑人妇女的现象十分普遍,这一特征与劳动力剥削一样是奴隶制制度的核心(浸礼会,20011619-1621)。此外,被奴役的黑人男子经常被奴隶主违背双方意愿选择为被奴役妇女的性伴侣或“丈夫”(Berry 2007,81)。在这两种情况下,儿童仍然是一个关键目标;被奴役妇女的生殖劳动确保了被奴役的下一代人。一旦这些孩子出生,黑人母亲通常会发现自己被迫迅速重返农业劳动——照顾婴儿的工作交给年龄较大的孩子或年老体弱的人。母亲们也知道,她们对这些纽带的控制仍然很脆弱,因为她们的孩子可能会被奴役者出卖,而且往往会被奴役。在美国,奴隶制下的黑人母亲有一半以上的孩子早逝,无论是死产还是婴儿或幼儿(Morgan 2011111)。被奴役的妇女哀悼
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Women, Slavery, and Labor in the United States
From the country’s founding, the United States’ dominant European-American culture included a patriarchal ideology which imposed a simplifying gender binary of male and female. Yet, when intertwined with the impacts of enslavement and racism, this ideology classified and treated African American women starkly differently from white women; it denied them any relative privileges of their gender. Enslaved Black women in the United States routinely did the same kinds of work as their male counterparts. Many women labored in agricultural fields; they even formed the majority of fieldworkers in some cases, such as with rice cultivation in South Carolina (Jones 2010, 15). Cast into “male categories” (Gillin 2014, 13), Black women were thus blocked from participation in the U.S. cult of domesticity in which white women of enough financial means avoided physical labor as part of their claim to femininity. Black women’s de-gendering is also clearly tied to race’s increasing entrenchment as a “historically produced technology of power” (Brown 1996, 110) that was used to justify an economic system dependent on enslaved labor. Jennifer L. Morgan has argued that “the entire system of hereditary racial slavery depended on slaveowners’ willingness to ignore cultural meanings of work that had been established in England and to make Africans work in ways the English could not conceive of working themselves” (Morgan 2011, 145). Black women’s de-gendering experience under slavery remains central to the development of Black feminist thought across the disciplines; specifically, theorists argue that, thus denied their identity by enslavers, Black women formed new gender constructs and new definitions of motherhood (Battle-Baptiste 2011, 42). This last point brings up an important additional truth: there was one way in which women alone labored under slavery – as mothers. Enslavers’ claims on Black women’s labor included their reproductive capacities. The sexual coercion and abuse of enslaved women was systematic in the antebellum U.S. South. The rape of Black women by white overseers and enslavers was widespread, a feature as central to the slavery system as labor exploitation (Baptist 2001, 1619–1621). Additionally, enslaved Black men were often selected by slave owners as sexual partners or “husbands” for enslaved women against both parties’ wills (Berry 2007, 81). In both cases, children remained a key objective; enslaved women’s reproductive labor ensured the next generation of people in bondage. Once these children were born, Black mothers typically found themselves forced to quickly return to agricultural labor – the care of their infants passed off to older children or the elderly infirm. Mothers also knew that their hold on these bonds remained tenuous as their children could be, and very often were, sold away from them by their enslavers. In the United States, Black mothers under slavery lost over half of their children to early death, whether through stillbirth or as infants or young children (Morgan 2011, 111). Enslaved women mourned the
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期刊介绍: Journal of African Diaspora Archaeology and Heritage provides a focal point for peer-reviewed publications in interdisciplinary studies in archaeology, history, material culture, and heritage dynamics concerning African descendant populations and cultures across the globe. The Journal invites articles on broad topics, including the historical processes of culture, economics, gender, power, and racialization operating within and upon African descendant communities. We seek to engage scholarly, professional, and community perspectives on the social dynamics and historical legacies of African descendant cultures and communities worldwide. The Journal publishes research articles and essays that review developments in these interdisciplinary fields.
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