伊朗:民主危机,1941-1953。作者:Fakhreddin Azimi。第11页,第433页。伦敦:i.b. Tauris & Co., 1989。£29.50。

M. Yapp
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引用次数: 1

摘要

在“乌拉玛”内部作为一个整体,在不同的时间和不同的情况下由个别的“乌拉玛”持有。她绝不倾向于高估宗教阶层所扮演的角色:事实上,她的总体信息是,她所讨论的圣战者在很大程度上是幕后领导:他们有义务支持宪法,因为这是他们的追随者普遍同情的地方。在一个宗教体系中,这显然是一个必要的考虑因素,在这个体系中,圣战者的影响和威望取决于他对信徒的拥有,而不是他在等级制度中正式确定的地位。比起1909年被绞死的立宪主义者,谢赫·法兹拉·努尔得到了马丁医生更多的同情。她认为他比他的同行更清楚地看到了接受宪法政府不可避免的世俗化和西方化的后果,以及由此带来的“乌拉玛”地位的侵蚀。她认为,他在“乌拉玛”中的对手从来没有真正成功地回答过他提出的论点(用伊斯兰的术语和根据伊斯兰教的神学-法律预设),巴列维时代的发展最终证明了他是正确的。那些在这一时期的专家将能够比我更充分地评价马丁博士的案例:就我自己而言,我发现她的论点和她提出的证据总体上令人信服。如果我在寻找漏洞,我可能会质疑书目中缺少一些读者可能会觉得值得参考的项目,比如Moojan Momen的《什叶派伊斯兰教导论》,A. K. S. Lambton关于烟草制度的文章,以及她在P. J. Vatikiotis编辑的中东革命卷中对革命的简要研究,以及舒斯特的名著《掐死波斯》。我也不满意在波斯语语境中使用“封地”和“封建主义”这样的术语是否恰当。但这些都是相对次要的问题。凡妮莎·马丁讲述的故事几乎会在读者心中引发各种共鸣,尤其是与1979年及之后发生在伊朗的事件进行比较和对比。作者正确地抵制了任何误入此类领域的诱惑。她的书的真正价值在于,用CNRS的Yann Richard在封面上引用的话来说,它将“成为关于伊朗宪政革命的标准著作”,而不仅仅是因为缺乏更好的东西。这是一本令人印象深刻的学术处女作,
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Iran: the crisis of democracy, 1941–1953 . By Fakhreddin Azimi. pp. xi, 433. London: I. B. Tauris & Co., 1989. £29.50.
was held within the 'ulama' as a whole, and by individual 'ulama' at different times and in varying circumstances. She is by no means inclined to overestimate the role played by the religious classes: indeed, her general message is that for the most part the mujtahids she discusses were leading from behind: they were obliged to support the constitution because that was where the sympathies of their followers generally lay. This was clearly an essential consideration in a religious system in which the influence and prestige of a mujtahid depended on his possession of disciples, not on a formally defined position in a hierarchy. Shaykh Fazlallah Nurl receives more sympathetic treatment from Dr Martin than he did from the constitutionalists, who had him hanged in 1909. She credits him with seeing the inevitably secularising and westernising consequences of the acceptance of constitutional government, and the erosion of the position of the 'ulama' that this would bring about, much more clear-sightedly than any of his peers. She contends that his opponents among the 'ulama' never really succeeded in answering (in Islamic terms and according to Shn theological-legal presuppositions) the arguments that he put forward and that the developments of the Pahlavi era eventually proved that he was right. Those who are expert in the period will be able to evaluate Dr Martin's case more adequately than I can: for myself I find her arguments and the evidence she produces generally convincing. If I were looking for holes to pick, I might query the absence from the bibliography of some items which readers would be likely to find worth consulting, such as Moojan Momen's Introduction to Shti Islam, A. K. S. Lambton's articles on the tobacco regie and her brief study of the revolution in the volume on Middle Eastern revolutions edited by P. J. Vatikiotis, and Shuster's celebrated book The Strangling of Persia. Nor am I happy about the appropriateness of the use in a Persian context of such terms as "fief" and "feudalism". But these are comparatively minor points. The story Vanessa Martin tells can hardly fail to set off all kinds of resonances in the reader's mind especially comparisons and contrasts with the events of 1979 and after in Iran. The author rightly resists any temptation to stray into such pastures. The real value of her book is that, in the words of Yann Richard of CNRS quoted on the jacket, it will "become the standard work on the Iranian constitutional revolution", and not just for want of anything better. It marks a rather impressive scholarly debut,
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