{"title":"塔梅尔兰的崛起和统治。Beatrice Forbes Manz著。(《剑桥伊斯兰文明研究》),第xi页,227页,4张地图。剑桥等,剑桥大学出版社,1989年。25.00英镑。","authors":"Peter Jackson","doi":"10.1017/S0035869X00108792","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"second). Moreover, Van den Wyngaert was unaware of the existence of a quite different report of the mission, drawn up by a Franciscan in Silesia in the summer of 1247, while Carpini's party was still on its way back through Eastern Europe. This, the so-called \"Tartar Relation\", contains certain passages found in the two standard versions but also incorporates a wealth of other material, apparently dictated by Carpini's companion Benedict. The need for a new, and better annotated, edition of the Ystoria has accordingly been felt for some years. It has now been met through the strenuous efforts of Italian scholars, and two in particular. Maria Cristiana Lungarotti provides an authoritative survey of the two recensions, and has produced the Italian translation; Enrico Menesto is responsible not simply for the edition but also for an exhaustive examination of the manuscript tradition and a well-rounded biography of Carpini. The superiority of the new edition over that of Van den Wyngaert lies primarily in Menesto's punctuation, which is often more helpful in determining the sense, and in his choice of readings, of which notable examples are hyrcum (III, 23), where Van den Wyngaert quite unwarrantably read hercium; Sarruyur (V, 70) instead of Sariemiur for the tribal name Sari-Uighur, and the disappearance of the ludicrous Divult (IX, 298) which Van den Wyngaert adopted from the Cambridge manuscript in place of Om.il (Emil, in Dzhungaria). Other welcome improvements relate to the names of members of the Mongol imperial dynasty listed in chapter V: Tanuht (Tangut) for the Thaube of the 1929 edition; Thuatemyr (To'a-temur) for Chuacenur; Seroctan (Sorqoqtani) for Sorocan; and Buygel (not, as assumed in the notes at p. 445, Tangut again, but Bochek) for Dinget. A few misprints should be noted: forpurificati (III, 172) readpurificari; for videtur (V, 104), videntur; for lorica (VI, 31), loricas; and for crebas (VI, 104), crebras. The other contributions are perhaps a trifle disappointing in comparison. The historical introduction by Luciano Petech is wide-ranging; but it fails to take account of the more recent work on the Mongols (the spectre of the \"lost opportunity\" of a Mongol-Western alliance in 1248 and 1260, for example, still rattles its chains at pp. 34, 37-8, 41). And while the notes, by Paolo Daffina, are largely excellent, some questions certainly call for further discussion. Three examples will suffice. (1) The traditional identification of the place Ornas (V, 321) with Urgench is tentatively endorsed by Daffina (pp. 449-51), who might have appealed, incidentally, to the description of the Khwarazmshah as soldanus de Hornach found in the report of the Hungarian Dominican Julian. Yet Carpini's Ornas lay not on the Amu but on the SIr-darya, and one manuscript reads Orpar: is it possible, therefore, that a metathetical form of Utrar is intended? (2) Carpini's precursores (VI, 92) are not tamachis (p. 463), since these were permanent garrison troops: the more likely equivalence is with alginchis (\" spies \", \" scouts \": see, e.g., Secret History of the Mongols, §123). (3) Daffina (p. 468) rightly links Cosmir (VII, 103) with the Keshimir of the Secret History, but his identification with Kashmir may well be groundless, since the context in both cases suggests a region much further north and the eleventh-century writer Mahmud Kashgharl mentions a separate locality Keshimir in \"the land of the Turks\" (see Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, I, p. 242). In any case, he is incorrect in stating that the Mongols had not as yet conquered Kashmir, which according to Rashld al-DIn had been occupied for six months in c. 1236 (Die Indiengeschichte, ed. and tr. Karl Jahn, Vienna, 1980, tr. p. 56; J. A. Boyle, The successors of Genghis Khan, London and New York, 1971, p. 55).","PeriodicalId":81727,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland","volume":"122 1","pages":"399 - 401"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"1990-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00108792","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The rise and rule of Tamerlane. By Beatrice Forbes Manz. (Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilisation.) pp. xi, 227, 4 maps. Cambridge etc., Cambridge University Press, 1989. £25.00.\",\"authors\":\"Peter Jackson\",\"doi\":\"10.1017/S0035869X00108792\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"second). Moreover, Van den Wyngaert was unaware of the existence of a quite different report of the mission, drawn up by a Franciscan in Silesia in the summer of 1247, while Carpini's party was still on its way back through Eastern Europe. This, the so-called \\\"Tartar Relation\\\", contains certain passages found in the two standard versions but also incorporates a wealth of other material, apparently dictated by Carpini's companion Benedict. The need for a new, and better annotated, edition of the Ystoria has accordingly been felt for some years. It has now been met through the strenuous efforts of Italian scholars, and two in particular. Maria Cristiana Lungarotti provides an authoritative survey of the two recensions, and has produced the Italian translation; Enrico Menesto is responsible not simply for the edition but also for an exhaustive examination of the manuscript tradition and a well-rounded biography of Carpini. The superiority of the new edition over that of Van den Wyngaert lies primarily in Menesto's punctuation, which is often more helpful in determining the sense, and in his choice of readings, of which notable examples are hyrcum (III, 23), where Van den Wyngaert quite unwarrantably read hercium; Sarruyur (V, 70) instead of Sariemiur for the tribal name Sari-Uighur, and the disappearance of the ludicrous Divult (IX, 298) which Van den Wyngaert adopted from the Cambridge manuscript in place of Om.il (Emil, in Dzhungaria). Other welcome improvements relate to the names of members of the Mongol imperial dynasty listed in chapter V: Tanuht (Tangut) for the Thaube of the 1929 edition; Thuatemyr (To'a-temur) for Chuacenur; Seroctan (Sorqoqtani) for Sorocan; and Buygel (not, as assumed in the notes at p. 445, Tangut again, but Bochek) for Dinget. A few misprints should be noted: forpurificati (III, 172) readpurificari; for videtur (V, 104), videntur; for lorica (VI, 31), loricas; and for crebas (VI, 104), crebras. The other contributions are perhaps a trifle disappointing in comparison. The historical introduction by Luciano Petech is wide-ranging; but it fails to take account of the more recent work on the Mongols (the spectre of the \\\"lost opportunity\\\" of a Mongol-Western alliance in 1248 and 1260, for example, still rattles its chains at pp. 34, 37-8, 41). And while the notes, by Paolo Daffina, are largely excellent, some questions certainly call for further discussion. Three examples will suffice. (1) The traditional identification of the place Ornas (V, 321) with Urgench is tentatively endorsed by Daffina (pp. 449-51), who might have appealed, incidentally, to the description of the Khwarazmshah as soldanus de Hornach found in the report of the Hungarian Dominican Julian. Yet Carpini's Ornas lay not on the Amu but on the SIr-darya, and one manuscript reads Orpar: is it possible, therefore, that a metathetical form of Utrar is intended? (2) Carpini's precursores (VI, 92) are not tamachis (p. 463), since these were permanent garrison troops: the more likely equivalence is with alginchis (\\\" spies \\\", \\\" scouts \\\": see, e.g., Secret History of the Mongols, §123). (3) Daffina (p. 468) rightly links Cosmir (VII, 103) with the Keshimir of the Secret History, but his identification with Kashmir may well be groundless, since the context in both cases suggests a region much further north and the eleventh-century writer Mahmud Kashgharl mentions a separate locality Keshimir in \\\"the land of the Turks\\\" (see Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, I, p. 242). In any case, he is incorrect in stating that the Mongols had not as yet conquered Kashmir, which according to Rashld al-DIn had been occupied for six months in c. 1236 (Die Indiengeschichte, ed. and tr. Karl Jahn, Vienna, 1980, tr. p. 56; J. A. Boyle, The successors of Genghis Khan, London and New York, 1971, p. 55).\",\"PeriodicalId\":81727,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland\",\"volume\":\"122 1\",\"pages\":\"399 - 401\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"1990-04-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00108792\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
秒)。此外,范登·温格尔特不知道还有一份完全不同的传教报告,这份报告是1247年夏天西里西亚的一位方济各会修士起草的,当时卡尔皮尼的队伍还在从东欧返回的路上。这就是所谓的“鞑靼关系”,包含了在两个标准版本中发现的某些段落,但也包含了大量其他材料,显然是由卡尔皮尼的同伴本笃口述的。因此,几年来人们一直觉得需要一个新的、更好的注释版的《历史》。现在,通过意大利学者,尤其是两位学者的艰苦努力,这个问题已经得到了解决。玛丽亚·克里斯蒂安娜·伦加罗蒂(Maria Cristiana Lungarotti)对这两个版本进行了权威的调查,并制作了意大利语译本;恩里科·梅内斯托不仅负责编辑,还对手稿传统进行了详尽的检查,并为卡尔皮尼撰写了一部全面的传记。新版比范登·温格尔特的版本的优势主要在于梅内斯托的标点符号,这往往更有助于确定意义,并在他的阅读选择,其中著名的例子是hyrcum (III, 23),其中范登·温格尔特相当不合理地阅读hercium;Sarruyur (V, 70)代替Sariemiur的部落名称Sari-Uighur,以及Van den Wyngaert从剑桥手稿中采用的滑稽的Divult (IX, 298)的消失。il(埃米尔,忠加里亚语)。其他值得欢迎的改进与第五章中列出的蒙古帝国王朝成员的姓名有关:1929年版的Thaube中的Tanuht(唐古特);Thuatemyr (To'a-temur)代表Chuacenur;Seroctan (Sorqoqtani)用于Sorocan;和比格尔(不是,在445页的注释中假定,又是唐古特,而是波切克)代表丁杰。应该注意一些印刷错误:forpurificati (III, 172) readpurificari;对于videtur (V, 104), videntur;对于lorica (VI, 31), lorica;crebas (VI, 104), crebras。相比之下,其他贡献可能有点令人失望。Luciano Petech的历史介绍涉及面很广;但它没有考虑到最近关于蒙古人的研究(例如,1248年和1260年“失去机会”的蒙古-西方联盟的幽灵,在第34、37-8、41页仍然在摇动它的链条)。虽然保罗·达芬纳(Paolo Daffina)的笔记在很大程度上非常出色,但有些问题确实需要进一步讨论。三个例子就足够了。(1) Daffina(第449-51页)暂时认可了将Ornas (V, 321)与Urgench地区联系在一起的传统观点,他可能顺便引用了匈牙利多米尼加人朱利安(Julian)的报告中对花剌子木沙(Khwarazmshah)作为soldanus de Hornach的描述。然而Carpini的Ornas不在阿姆河上,而是在SIr-darya上,一份手稿上写着Orpar:因此,是否有可能,一个元形式的Utrar是有意的?(2) Carpini的前身(VI, 92)不是tamachis(第463页),因为这些是永久性的驻军:更可能的等号是alginchis(“间谍”,“侦察兵”:参见,例如,《蒙古秘史》,第123段)。(3) Daffina(第468页)正确地将科斯米尔(VII, 103)与《秘史》中的凯希米尔联系起来,但他对克什米尔的认定很可能是毫无根据的,因为这两种情况的背景都表明一个更北的地区,而11世纪的作家Mahmud Kashgharl提到了一个独立的地方凯希米尔在“土耳其人的土地上”(见Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, I, p. 242)。无论如何,他说蒙古人尚未征服克什米尔的说法是不正确的,根据拉什德·阿尔·丁的说法,克什米尔在大约1236年被占领了6个月(《独立》,卡尔·扬主编,维也纳,1980年,第56页;J. A. Boyle,成吉思汗的继承者,伦敦和纽约,1971年,第55页)。
The rise and rule of Tamerlane. By Beatrice Forbes Manz. (Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilisation.) pp. xi, 227, 4 maps. Cambridge etc., Cambridge University Press, 1989. £25.00.
second). Moreover, Van den Wyngaert was unaware of the existence of a quite different report of the mission, drawn up by a Franciscan in Silesia in the summer of 1247, while Carpini's party was still on its way back through Eastern Europe. This, the so-called "Tartar Relation", contains certain passages found in the two standard versions but also incorporates a wealth of other material, apparently dictated by Carpini's companion Benedict. The need for a new, and better annotated, edition of the Ystoria has accordingly been felt for some years. It has now been met through the strenuous efforts of Italian scholars, and two in particular. Maria Cristiana Lungarotti provides an authoritative survey of the two recensions, and has produced the Italian translation; Enrico Menesto is responsible not simply for the edition but also for an exhaustive examination of the manuscript tradition and a well-rounded biography of Carpini. The superiority of the new edition over that of Van den Wyngaert lies primarily in Menesto's punctuation, which is often more helpful in determining the sense, and in his choice of readings, of which notable examples are hyrcum (III, 23), where Van den Wyngaert quite unwarrantably read hercium; Sarruyur (V, 70) instead of Sariemiur for the tribal name Sari-Uighur, and the disappearance of the ludicrous Divult (IX, 298) which Van den Wyngaert adopted from the Cambridge manuscript in place of Om.il (Emil, in Dzhungaria). Other welcome improvements relate to the names of members of the Mongol imperial dynasty listed in chapter V: Tanuht (Tangut) for the Thaube of the 1929 edition; Thuatemyr (To'a-temur) for Chuacenur; Seroctan (Sorqoqtani) for Sorocan; and Buygel (not, as assumed in the notes at p. 445, Tangut again, but Bochek) for Dinget. A few misprints should be noted: forpurificati (III, 172) readpurificari; for videtur (V, 104), videntur; for lorica (VI, 31), loricas; and for crebas (VI, 104), crebras. The other contributions are perhaps a trifle disappointing in comparison. The historical introduction by Luciano Petech is wide-ranging; but it fails to take account of the more recent work on the Mongols (the spectre of the "lost opportunity" of a Mongol-Western alliance in 1248 and 1260, for example, still rattles its chains at pp. 34, 37-8, 41). And while the notes, by Paolo Daffina, are largely excellent, some questions certainly call for further discussion. Three examples will suffice. (1) The traditional identification of the place Ornas (V, 321) with Urgench is tentatively endorsed by Daffina (pp. 449-51), who might have appealed, incidentally, to the description of the Khwarazmshah as soldanus de Hornach found in the report of the Hungarian Dominican Julian. Yet Carpini's Ornas lay not on the Amu but on the SIr-darya, and one manuscript reads Orpar: is it possible, therefore, that a metathetical form of Utrar is intended? (2) Carpini's precursores (VI, 92) are not tamachis (p. 463), since these were permanent garrison troops: the more likely equivalence is with alginchis (" spies ", " scouts ": see, e.g., Secret History of the Mongols, §123). (3) Daffina (p. 468) rightly links Cosmir (VII, 103) with the Keshimir of the Secret History, but his identification with Kashmir may well be groundless, since the context in both cases suggests a region much further north and the eleventh-century writer Mahmud Kashgharl mentions a separate locality Keshimir in "the land of the Turks" (see Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, I, p. 242). In any case, he is incorrect in stating that the Mongols had not as yet conquered Kashmir, which according to Rashld al-DIn had been occupied for six months in c. 1236 (Die Indiengeschichte, ed. and tr. Karl Jahn, Vienna, 1980, tr. p. 56; J. A. Boyle, The successors of Genghis Khan, London and New York, 1971, p. 55).