{"title":"吠陀起源的业力:宇宙作为人在古印度神话和仪式。赫尔曼·w·塔尔著。(纽约州立大学印度教研究系列)第x页,第181页,奥尔巴尼,纽约州,纽约州立大学出版社,1989年。","authors":"K. Werner","doi":"10.1017/S0035869X00108809","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"He ruled, but did not reign; his decrees were issued in the name of his shadow-khans, first Soyurghatmish and then Sultan Mahmud. It is stated in a note (p. 184, n. 63) that Temiir's later biographer Sharaf al-DIn Yazdl, in contrast with the slightly earlier Nizam-i ShamI, systematically expunged all references to these titular Chinggisid rulers. Manz appears unconsciously to have followed him, since her book contains only a few unspecific allusions to the two khans and neither is at any point named. But how insignificant were they? Chinggisid princes doubtless still had their own warbands even in the 1360s: it is worth noticing that ShamI (Zafar-nama, ed. Tauer, I, 38), speaking of Soyurghatmish (the son of a former khan, Danishmandcha: Mu'izz al-ansab, Paris MS., fo. 43) a few years prior to his enthronement, describes him as \"one of the great emirs\". And the khan's status at the turn of the century may well have been underestimated. Barthold (Four studies on the history of Central Asia, II, 25) saw \"no evidence that Timur had at any time rendered honours to the khans in the presence of the troops and in solemn surroundings\". According to a French observer writing in 1403, however, Temiir made a point of visiting the \"emperor\" once a year and showing him honour; though he does add that after performing this duty Temiir paid his sovereign little heed (H. Moranville, \"Memoire sur Tamerlan et sa cour\", Bibliotheque de VEcole des Charles, LV, 1894, 445). Yet far from languidly residing in Samarqand in the effete style of some latter-day Merovingian, Sultan Mahmud accompanied Temiir on campaigns against the Golden Horde, the Delhi Sultanate and Mamluk Syria (Hookham, pp. 137, 191, 225); and in the battle of Ankara he played an active role, pursuing and capturing the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid (M. M. Alexandrescu-Dersca, La campagne de Timur en Anatolie (1402), Bucharest, 1942, 79-80). One shadow Chinggisid sovereign, at least, seems to have repaid Temiir's hollow deference if such it was with interest.","PeriodicalId":81727,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland","volume":"122 1","pages":"401 - 402"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"1990-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00108809","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Vedic origins of karma: cosmos as man in ancient Indian myth and ritual . By Herman W. Tull. (SUNY Series in Hindu Studies.) pp. x, 181, Albany, N.Y., State University of New York Press, 1989.\",\"authors\":\"K. Werner\",\"doi\":\"10.1017/S0035869X00108809\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"He ruled, but did not reign; his decrees were issued in the name of his shadow-khans, first Soyurghatmish and then Sultan Mahmud. It is stated in a note (p. 184, n. 63) that Temiir's later biographer Sharaf al-DIn Yazdl, in contrast with the slightly earlier Nizam-i ShamI, systematically expunged all references to these titular Chinggisid rulers. Manz appears unconsciously to have followed him, since her book contains only a few unspecific allusions to the two khans and neither is at any point named. But how insignificant were they? Chinggisid princes doubtless still had their own warbands even in the 1360s: it is worth noticing that ShamI (Zafar-nama, ed. Tauer, I, 38), speaking of Soyurghatmish (the son of a former khan, Danishmandcha: Mu'izz al-ansab, Paris MS., fo. 43) a few years prior to his enthronement, describes him as \\\"one of the great emirs\\\". And the khan's status at the turn of the century may well have been underestimated. Barthold (Four studies on the history of Central Asia, II, 25) saw \\\"no evidence that Timur had at any time rendered honours to the khans in the presence of the troops and in solemn surroundings\\\". According to a French observer writing in 1403, however, Temiir made a point of visiting the \\\"emperor\\\" once a year and showing him honour; though he does add that after performing this duty Temiir paid his sovereign little heed (H. Moranville, \\\"Memoire sur Tamerlan et sa cour\\\", Bibliotheque de VEcole des Charles, LV, 1894, 445). Yet far from languidly residing in Samarqand in the effete style of some latter-day Merovingian, Sultan Mahmud accompanied Temiir on campaigns against the Golden Horde, the Delhi Sultanate and Mamluk Syria (Hookham, pp. 137, 191, 225); and in the battle of Ankara he played an active role, pursuing and capturing the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid (M. M. Alexandrescu-Dersca, La campagne de Timur en Anatolie (1402), Bucharest, 1942, 79-80). One shadow Chinggisid sovereign, at least, seems to have repaid Temiir's hollow deference if such it was with interest.\",\"PeriodicalId\":81727,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland\",\"volume\":\"122 1\",\"pages\":\"401 - 402\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"1990-04-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00108809\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00108809\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00108809","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
他统治,但没有统治;他的政令是以他的影子可汗的名义发布的,先是sourghatmish,然后是Sultan Mahmud。在一份注释(第184页,第63页)中指出,Temiir后来的传记作者Sharaf al-DIn Yazdl与稍早的Nizam-i ShamI相反,系统地删除了所有关于这些名义上的中国统治者的提及。曼兹似乎是无意识地追随了他,因为她的书中只包含了几处不具体的典故,提到了这两位可汗,也没有提到他们的名字。但它们有多微不足道呢?毫无疑问,即使在1360年代,成吉思汗的王子们仍然有他们自己的军队:值得注意的是,ShamI (Zafar-nama, ed. Tauer, I, 38)在谈到sourghatmish(前可汗Danishmandcha的儿子:Mu'izz al-ansab, MS. Paris)时,提到了sourghatmish。在他即位前几年,将他描述为“伟大的埃米尔之一”。在世纪之交,可汗的地位很可能被低估了。Barthold(关于中亚历史的四项研究,II, 25)认为“没有证据表明帖木儿曾在任何时候在军队和庄严的环境中向可汗致敬”。然而,据一位法国观察家在1403年写道,特米尼尔每年都要拜访“皇帝”一次,向他表示敬意;尽管他确实补充说,在履行这一职责之后,Temiir对他的君主几乎没有什么关注(H. Moranville,“Memoire sur Tamerlan et sa cour”,查理图书馆,1894年,445年)。然而,苏丹马哈茂德并没有像后来的墨罗温王朝那样懒洋洋地居住在撒马尔罕,而是陪同特米尔参加了对抗金帐汗国、德里苏丹国和马穆鲁克叙利亚的战役(Hookham,第137、191、225页);在安卡拉战役中,他发挥了积极作用,追击并俘虏了奥斯曼苏丹巴耶济德(M. M. alexandrescue - dersca, La campagne de Timur en Anatolie(1402),布加勒斯特,1942,79-80)。至少有一个中国的影子君主,似乎已经回报了特密尔空洞的顺从——如果是利息的话。
The Vedic origins of karma: cosmos as man in ancient Indian myth and ritual . By Herman W. Tull. (SUNY Series in Hindu Studies.) pp. x, 181, Albany, N.Y., State University of New York Press, 1989.
He ruled, but did not reign; his decrees were issued in the name of his shadow-khans, first Soyurghatmish and then Sultan Mahmud. It is stated in a note (p. 184, n. 63) that Temiir's later biographer Sharaf al-DIn Yazdl, in contrast with the slightly earlier Nizam-i ShamI, systematically expunged all references to these titular Chinggisid rulers. Manz appears unconsciously to have followed him, since her book contains only a few unspecific allusions to the two khans and neither is at any point named. But how insignificant were they? Chinggisid princes doubtless still had their own warbands even in the 1360s: it is worth noticing that ShamI (Zafar-nama, ed. Tauer, I, 38), speaking of Soyurghatmish (the son of a former khan, Danishmandcha: Mu'izz al-ansab, Paris MS., fo. 43) a few years prior to his enthronement, describes him as "one of the great emirs". And the khan's status at the turn of the century may well have been underestimated. Barthold (Four studies on the history of Central Asia, II, 25) saw "no evidence that Timur had at any time rendered honours to the khans in the presence of the troops and in solemn surroundings". According to a French observer writing in 1403, however, Temiir made a point of visiting the "emperor" once a year and showing him honour; though he does add that after performing this duty Temiir paid his sovereign little heed (H. Moranville, "Memoire sur Tamerlan et sa cour", Bibliotheque de VEcole des Charles, LV, 1894, 445). Yet far from languidly residing in Samarqand in the effete style of some latter-day Merovingian, Sultan Mahmud accompanied Temiir on campaigns against the Golden Horde, the Delhi Sultanate and Mamluk Syria (Hookham, pp. 137, 191, 225); and in the battle of Ankara he played an active role, pursuing and capturing the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid (M. M. Alexandrescu-Dersca, La campagne de Timur en Anatolie (1402), Bucharest, 1942, 79-80). One shadow Chinggisid sovereign, at least, seems to have repaid Temiir's hollow deference if such it was with interest.