中国和朝鲜禅宗思想的形成:Vajrasamādhi-Sūtra,一个佛教伪经。小罗伯特·e·布斯韦尔著,(普林斯顿亚洲翻译图书馆)第18页,315页,8页。普林斯顿,新泽西州,普林斯顿大学出版社,1989年。39.50美元。

T. Barret
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Chapter Four moves on to comment on elements in it, apparently not detected by Wonhyo, which demonstrate that the author was deeply familiar with different tendencies in mid-seventh century Chinese Ch'an Buddhism. The conclusion is reached that the text surfaced in Korea as the product of a Korean monk who had studied Ch'an in China but, finding no interest in its doctrines on returning to his homeland, resorted to forgery to promote his ideas. Part Two provides a full translation of the work in question. Questions, of course, can be raised about some of Buswell's arguments. Can we be sure that Wonhyo, late on in his career especially, knew nothing of Ch'an ? Could it not be that he was disposed, at times at any rate, to apply exegetical schemata somewhat arbitrarily, even when he was aware that they did violence to the meaning of the texts he was supposed to be explicating? 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引用次数: 0

摘要

本卷旨在证实一个令人惊讶的说法,即一部与禅宗思想密切相关的中文佛经实际上是在公元七世纪在韩国创作的。第一部分,第一章,评估了金刚三美经作为东亚作品的地位;第二章考察了伟大的韩国注释家元孝(617-686)最早的注释的年代,并(基于非常不足的材料)将其指定为他生命的终结。第三章评论了佛教哲学倾向于强调内在的、内在的启蒙起源的文本的一般哲学忠诚。第四章继续评论其中的元素,显然元孝没有发现,这表明作者对七世纪中叶中国禅宗的不同倾向非常熟悉。有分析认为,该经卷是在中国学习过禅宗的韩国僧人的作品,但由于对回国的教义不感兴趣,因此为了宣传自己的思想而伪造了经卷。第二部分提供了有关作品的完整翻译。当然,对Buswell的一些论点也可以提出质疑。我们能确定元孝,尤其是在他事业的后期,对钱氏一无所知吗?他会不会,不管怎么说,有时,有些武断地使用训诂图式,即使他知道这些图式对他应该解释的文本的意义有暴力作用?这至少看起来是在可能的范围内(参见我在JRAS, 1982年,第39页的评论),尽管这种可能性显然需要对元孝的作品进行大量研究才能证实或否认。或者,如果早期的中国在韩国完全不为人所知,为什么一个韩国作家会为了一个完全无知和不欣赏的读者而如此强调调和中国思想的不同方面,当然,除非文本是在他回国之前在中国创作的?人们也希望,Buswell可以进一步探究可能是他的文本最早的参考文献,在大正典文本no。1668年,他将其命名为《石摩和言论》(Sok Mahayon-ron),假设(得到早期日本证词的支持)这部作品(中国的《石摩和言论》)也是在8世纪中期在朝鲜“伪造”的。然而,有指控称,一份手稿没有。1668年保存在日本的中国武皇后统治时期(约690-705年)-参见。Mizuno Kogen主编,《Shin Butten kaidai jiten》(东京,1966),第158页对此提出了一些质疑,尽管在不检查相关文件的情况下很难判断这些指控有多少价值。然而,鉴于目前可用的证据,Buswell对事件的重建代表了可以想象的最合理的情景,他在区分不同程度的可能性来描述他的故事的不同部分方面非常谨慎:他承认,在我们贫乏的历史资料中,唯一一个符合他的“伪造者”资格的朝鲜人——波姆南——实际上不太可能是罪魁祸首,而更可能是“像波姆南这样的人”(第175页)犯下了这一罪行。布斯韦尔的学识偶尔会低于他的论点所要求的非常高的水平:在第146页,使用与他的文本作者非常相似的语言的“匿名法师”,“他可能是一个近同时代的人”,实际上是六世纪中期的诗人和尚王明:参见《大正》,卷50,第482a页(徐高僧传,8),这代表了许多后来来源重新出版的作品的最早版本。但在很大程度上,《中韩儒学的形成》完全配得上布斯韦尔同行们在夹克上给它的“权威”、“辉煌”等称号。以后写《禅》的人,都不能忽视这本书;罗伯特·布斯韦尔(Robert Buswell)的早期著作《奇努》(Chinul)在向英国读者介绍韩国佛教方面已经开辟了新的领域,现在他为自己设定了最高的标准,我们怀着更大的兴趣期待着他对韩国佛教来源的进一步探索。
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The formation of Ch'an ideology in China and Korea: the Vajrasamādhi-Sūtra, a Buddhist Apocryphon . By Robert E. Buswell Jr, (Princeton Library of Asian Translations.) pp. xviii, 315, 8 pl. Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1989. US $39.50.
This volume sets out to substantiate the surprising claim that a Buddhist scripture in Chinese showing close affinities with Ch'an thought was actually composed in Korea in the seventh century A.D. Part One, Chapter One, assesses the status of the Chin-kang san-mei ching as an East Asian composition; Chapter Two examines the dating of its earliest commentary by the great Korean exegete Wonhyo (617-686) and assigns it (on the basis of the very inadequate materials available) to the end of his life. Chapter Three remarks on the general philosophical allegiances of the text with that current in Buddhist philosophy tending to stress the immanent, innate origins of enlightenment. Chapter Four moves on to comment on elements in it, apparently not detected by Wonhyo, which demonstrate that the author was deeply familiar with different tendencies in mid-seventh century Chinese Ch'an Buddhism. The conclusion is reached that the text surfaced in Korea as the product of a Korean monk who had studied Ch'an in China but, finding no interest in its doctrines on returning to his homeland, resorted to forgery to promote his ideas. Part Two provides a full translation of the work in question. Questions, of course, can be raised about some of Buswell's arguments. Can we be sure that Wonhyo, late on in his career especially, knew nothing of Ch'an ? Could it not be that he was disposed, at times at any rate, to apply exegetical schemata somewhat arbitrarily, even when he was aware that they did violence to the meaning of the texts he was supposed to be explicating? This would at least seem to be within the bounds of possibility (cf. my remarks in JRAS, 1982, p. 39), though a possibility which would obviously require considerable study of Wonhyo's works to confirm or deny. Alternatively, if early Ch'an was completely unknown in Korea, why would a Korean author make such a point of reconciling different strands in Ch'an thought for a totally ignorant and unappreciative audience unless, of course, the text was composed in China, prior to his return home? One wishes, too, that Buswell could have pursued somewhat further what may well be the earliest reference to his text, in Taisho Canon text no. 1668, termed by him Sok Mahayon-ron, on the assumption (supported by early Japanese testimony) that this work (Chinese Shih Mo-ho-yen lun) was "forged" in Korea also, in the mid-eighth century. Allegations, however, that a manuscript of no. 1668 preserved in Japan dates to the reign of the Chinese Empress Wu (r. 690-705)-cf. Mizuno Kogen, ed., Shin Butten kaidai jiten (Tokyo, 1966), p. 158 cast some doubt on this, though it is hard to tell how much these allegations are worth without checking the document in question. Given, however, the evidence currently available, Buswell's reconstruction of events represents the most plausible scenario imaginable, and he is commendably scrupulous in distinguishing the different levels of likelihood characterizing different segments of his story: it is, he admits, less likely that Pomnang, the only Korean known to our meagre historical sources who fits the qualifications for his "forger", could actually have been the culprit, than that "someone like Pomnang" (p. 175) perpetrated the deed. Only occasionally does BuswelPs erudition slip below the very high level his argument demands: on p. 146 the "anonymous dharma master" who uses very similar language to the author of his text and "who would have been a nearcontemporary", is in fact the mid-sixth century poet-monk Wang-ming: cf. Taisho, vol. 50, p. 482a (Hsu Kao-seng chuan, 8), which represents the earliest available version of a work republished in many later sources. But for the most part The Formation of Ch'an Ideology in China and Korea fully merits the epithets "magisterial", "brilliant" and the like awarded to it by Buswell's peers on the jacket. No one writing on the emergence of Ch'an in future will be able to ignore this book; Robert Buswell, whose earlier work on Chinul already broke fresh ground in presenting Korean Buddhism to the English reader, has now set himself the very highest standards to maintain, and we look forward with yet greater interest to his further explorations of Korean Buddhist sources.
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