{"title":"问题中的法语“量词”:接口策略","authors":"L. Baunaz","doi":"10.1556/064.2016.63.2.1","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Building on an experimental study, I show that homophonous wh-phrases like qui ‘who’ in French correlate with prosodic differences when specificity and partitivity come into play, something not found with bare Universal Quantifiers like chacun ‘each’ and tous ‘all’. Rather than homophony I claim that these wh-phrases are syncretic. I show that (a) wh-phrases and bare Universal Quantifiers are complex phrases, lexicalizing structures of different sizes; (b) partitivity and specificity are syntactic features. This last claim is supported by intervention effects: the interventions observed with negative and scope islands with wh-phrases in-situ are accounted for in terms of a feature-based Relativized Minimality (Starke 2001; Rizzi 2004).","PeriodicalId":54157,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","volume":"63 1","pages":"125-168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2016-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"5","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"French “quantifiers” in questions: interface strategies\",\"authors\":\"L. Baunaz\",\"doi\":\"10.1556/064.2016.63.2.1\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Building on an experimental study, I show that homophonous wh-phrases like qui ‘who’ in French correlate with prosodic differences when specificity and partitivity come into play, something not found with bare Universal Quantifiers like chacun ‘each’ and tous ‘all’. Rather than homophony I claim that these wh-phrases are syncretic. I show that (a) wh-phrases and bare Universal Quantifiers are complex phrases, lexicalizing structures of different sizes; (b) partitivity and specificity are syntactic features. This last claim is supported by intervention effects: the interventions observed with negative and scope islands with wh-phrases in-situ are accounted for in terms of a feature-based Relativized Minimality (Starke 2001; Rizzi 2004).\",\"PeriodicalId\":54157,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Acta Linguistica Hungarica\",\"volume\":\"63 1\",\"pages\":\"125-168\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2016-06-24\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"5\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Acta Linguistica Hungarica\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1556/064.2016.63.2.1\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Acta Linguistica Hungarica","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1556/064.2016.63.2.1","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 5
摘要
在一项实验研究的基础上,我表明,当特异性和分性发挥作用时,法语中qui ' who '这样的同音wh短语与韵律差异相关,而像chacun ' each '和tous ' all '这样的普遍量词则没有发现这一点。而不是谐音,我认为这些wh-短语是混合的。我证明了(a) h-短语和裸全称量词是复杂的短语,是不同大小的词汇化结构;(b)可分性和专一性是句法特征。最后一种说法得到了干预效应的支持:观察到的带有h-短语的负面岛屿和范围岛屿的干预是根据基于特征的相对最小性来解释的(Starke 2001;Rizzi 2004)。
French “quantifiers” in questions: interface strategies
Building on an experimental study, I show that homophonous wh-phrases like qui ‘who’ in French correlate with prosodic differences when specificity and partitivity come into play, something not found with bare Universal Quantifiers like chacun ‘each’ and tous ‘all’. Rather than homophony I claim that these wh-phrases are syncretic. I show that (a) wh-phrases and bare Universal Quantifiers are complex phrases, lexicalizing structures of different sizes; (b) partitivity and specificity are syntactic features. This last claim is supported by intervention effects: the interventions observed with negative and scope islands with wh-phrases in-situ are accounted for in terms of a feature-based Relativized Minimality (Starke 2001; Rizzi 2004).