一场意想不到的革命的看不见的根源:1980年代末列宁格勒的政党精英、经济改革和期望与结果

J. Hass, N. Lomagin
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引用次数: 0

摘要

本文从列宁格勒的角度考察了改革进程。令人惊讶的是,在莫斯科发生的事件,以及最终在媒体上发生的事件,最初比列宁格勒的闭门讨论更为保守和迟缓——但不久之后,角色互换了,公共话语变得越来越有创造性,甚至比斯莫尔尼要求的那些私下讨论更激进。另一点是,当地的企业主管(以及其他组织参与者和精英,例如共青团)开始根据自己的利益和机会采取行动。对某种形式的西方市场经济(即使适应了某种“苏联”形式)的接受程度越来越高,这意味着导演们可以比斯莫尔尼甚至莫斯科抢先一步。戈尔巴乔夫的改革提供了将改革从地方党和国家总部(斯莫尔尼和委员会)扩展到经济参与者本身的可能性。如果这些改革是认真的,这可能会使理事会变得多余。作者认为,这就是发生的事情。作者的数据表明,改革初期的苏维埃委员会(或许还有戈尔巴乔夫)低估了影子经济的重要性和核心地位。戈尔巴乔夫开放了经济,希望权力下放和一定程度的自由化能在暗地里驾驭(而不是对抗)主动性。然而,影子经济在正式制度中被包裹得如此之深,在经济(和其他)参与者中根深蒂固,以至于释放影子经济可能会破坏制度,因为参与者利用短暂的开放窗口获得尽可能多的收益。最后,这是一场对企业家和小偷的双重赌注——在历史上留下了斯莫尔尼和议会——改革的第一阶段。然而,幸存下来的是那些具有改革思想的年轻干部组成的网络,他们将在新世界中找到自己的位置,推动下一阶段的激进改革。
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Unseen Roots of an Unexpected Revolution: Party Elites, Economic Reforms, and Expectations versus Outcomes in Late 1980s Leningrad
The article examines the perestroika processes from the Leningrad point of view. Surprisingly, but events in Moscow and, eventually, in the media were initially more conservative and sluggish than the discussions behind closed doors in Leningrad — but before long, roles were reversed, and public discourse became increasingly more creative and even radical than those private discussions requested by Smolny. The other point is that local enterprise directors (and other organizational actors and elites, e. g. in the Komsomol) started to act on their own interests and opportunities. The growing acceptance of some form of Western market economies (even if adapted to some “Soviet” form) meant that directors could steal a step on Smolny and even Moscow. Gorbachev reforms offered the possibility of taking reforms beyond local Party and state headquarters — Smolny and the Councils — to economic actors themselves. This threatened to make the Councils redundant, if such reforms were serious. Authors suggest, this is what happened. Authors’ data suggest that the Councils in the initial phase of reform (and perhaps Gorbachev) underestimated how important and central the shadow economy had become by then. Gorbachev opened the economy, hoping that devolution and some liberalization would harness, not fight, the initiative in the shadows. However, shadow practices were so wrapped up in formal institutions, and so ingrained among economic (and other) actors, that unleashing the shadow economy risked unraveling institutions as actors used the brief open window to gain as much as they could. It ended up a wager both on the entrepreneur and the thief — leaving Smolny and the Councils, the first stage of reform, in history. What did survive, however, were those networks of younger reform-minded cadres, who in the new world would find their place driving the next stage of radical reforms.
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