{"title":"欧盟公民身份对欧盟公共产品多层次治理的宪政约束","authors":"E. Petersmann","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3100179","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This contribution suggests a republican interpretation of EU citizenship rights based on the following three propositions: first, the more globalisation transforms national into transnational public goods, the more democratic and republican constitutionalism requires to design and implement transnational public goods treaties as democratic law empowering citizens to invoke and enforce precise and unconditional multilevel market regulations and the protection of public goods vis-a-vis multilevel governance institutions. Secondly, as EU law, such as arts 2 and 9�12 TEU, requires EU Institutions and Member States to protect constitutional, representative, participatory and deliberative democracy and limits all internal and external EU powers by fundamental rights and protection of public goods (res publica), EU citizens rightly challenge EU trade, investment and other treaties that privilege interest groups and undermine the constitutional contract of citizens as codified in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Thirdly, just as common market and competition law inside and beyond the EU protect citizen-driven network governance and rights-based vigilance of EU citizens embedded into comprehensive protection of fundamental rights and a �social market economy� (art.3 TEU), EU institutions should respond to the legitimacy and rule-of-law crises in other areas of EU governance by reconnecting EU law with EU citizens as democratic principals of multilevel governance agents. Anti-citizen clauses in EU free trade agreements with non-European countries (such as art.30.6 CETA) and discriminatory arbitration privileges for foreign investors illustrate the authoritarian disconnect of EU bureaucrats from EU citizens; they risk undermining rule of law, constitutional democracy, and the �social market economy� inside the EU.","PeriodicalId":45752,"journal":{"name":"European Law Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"89-105"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8000,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"5","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"EU citizenship as a constitutional restraint on the EU’s multilevel governance of public goods\",\"authors\":\"E. 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Secondly, as EU law, such as arts 2 and 9�12 TEU, requires EU Institutions and Member States to protect constitutional, representative, participatory and deliberative democracy and limits all internal and external EU powers by fundamental rights and protection of public goods (res publica), EU citizens rightly challenge EU trade, investment and other treaties that privilege interest groups and undermine the constitutional contract of citizens as codified in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Thirdly, just as common market and competition law inside and beyond the EU protect citizen-driven network governance and rights-based vigilance of EU citizens embedded into comprehensive protection of fundamental rights and a �social market economy� (art.3 TEU), EU institutions should respond to the legitimacy and rule-of-law crises in other areas of EU governance by reconnecting EU law with EU citizens as democratic principals of multilevel governance agents. 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引用次数: 5
摘要
这一贡献提出了一种基于以下三个命题的对欧盟公民权的共和解释:首先,全球化越是将国家公共产品转变为跨国公共产品,民主和共和宪政就越需要设计和实施跨国公共产品条约,将其作为民主法律,赋予公民援引和执行精确和无条件的多层次市场监管,并保护公共产品,而不是多层次治理机构。其次,由于欧盟法律(如TEU第2条和第9 - 12条)要求欧盟机构和成员国保护宪法、代表性、参与性和审议性民主,并通过基本权利和保护公共产品(res publica)来限制所有欧盟内部和外部权力,欧盟公民正确地挑战欧盟贸易、投资和其他条约,这些条约使利益集团享有特权,并破坏了《欧盟基本权利宪章》(EU Charter of fundamental rights)中规定的公民宪法契约。第三,正如欧盟内外的共同市场和竞争法保护公民驱动的网络治理和基于权利的欧盟公民警惕,并将其纳入对基本权利和“社会市场经济”的全面保护(第3条)TEU),欧盟机构应该通过将欧盟法律与欧盟公民作为多层治理主体的民主主体重新联系起来,来应对欧盟治理其他领域的合法性和法治危机。欧盟与非欧洲国家签订的自由贸易协定(如CETA第30.6条)中的反公民条款,以及给予外国投资者的歧视性仲裁特权,说明了欧盟官僚与欧盟公民之间的专制脱节;他们冒着破坏欧盟内部法治、宪政民主和“社会市场经济”的风险。
EU citizenship as a constitutional restraint on the EU’s multilevel governance of public goods
This contribution suggests a republican interpretation of EU citizenship rights based on the following three propositions: first, the more globalisation transforms national into transnational public goods, the more democratic and republican constitutionalism requires to design and implement transnational public goods treaties as democratic law empowering citizens to invoke and enforce precise and unconditional multilevel market regulations and the protection of public goods vis-a-vis multilevel governance institutions. Secondly, as EU law, such as arts 2 and 9�12 TEU, requires EU Institutions and Member States to protect constitutional, representative, participatory and deliberative democracy and limits all internal and external EU powers by fundamental rights and protection of public goods (res publica), EU citizens rightly challenge EU trade, investment and other treaties that privilege interest groups and undermine the constitutional contract of citizens as codified in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Thirdly, just as common market and competition law inside and beyond the EU protect citizen-driven network governance and rights-based vigilance of EU citizens embedded into comprehensive protection of fundamental rights and a �social market economy� (art.3 TEU), EU institutions should respond to the legitimacy and rule-of-law crises in other areas of EU governance by reconnecting EU law with EU citizens as democratic principals of multilevel governance agents. Anti-citizen clauses in EU free trade agreements with non-European countries (such as art.30.6 CETA) and discriminatory arbitration privileges for foreign investors illustrate the authoritarian disconnect of EU bureaucrats from EU citizens; they risk undermining rule of law, constitutional democracy, and the �social market economy� inside the EU.