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Playing by its own rules? A quantitative empirical analysis of justificatory reasoning in the registered trade mark case law of the European Court of Justice - dataset 按照自己的规则行事?欧洲法院注册商标判例中正当推理的定量实证分析-数据集
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-18 DOI: 10.7488/DS/2968
Jane Cornwell
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Food Safety: EU Food Information Standards as a Facilitator of Political Consumerism and International Law Enforcement Mechanism 超越食品安全:欧盟食品信息标准作为政治消费主义和国际执法机制的推动者
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-08-01 DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.23221.42721
K. Purnhagen, J. Zeben, C. Ahlborn, P. Oosterveer
In Organisation juive europeenne, Vignoble Psagot Ltd v Ministre de l’Economie et des Finances (Organisation juive europeenne) (C-363/18), the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU or Court) was tasked with deciding what information on its country of origin or place of provenance is mandatory for business according to existing European legislation. This case note summarises the interpretative decisions taken by the AG Hogan (Advocate General or AG) and the Court in their opinion and judgment, respectively. It then considers the broader implications of this case from several perspectives: first, from the perspective of political consumerism and its (potential) role in EU internal market law; second, from the perspective of the enforcement of international law; and third, from the perspective of the coherence of EU food and consumer law including its behavioural dimension.
在欧洲未成年人组织,Vignoble Psagot Ltd诉经济和财政部(欧洲未成年人组织)(C-363/18)一案中,欧盟法院(CJEU或Court)的任务是根据现有的欧洲立法,决定哪些关于其原产国或原产地的信息是企业必须提供的。本案件说明总结了霍根总检察长(总检察长或总检察长)和法院分别在其意见和判决中作出的解释性决定。然后从几个角度考虑本案的更广泛含义:首先,从政治消费主义及其在欧盟内部市场法律中的(潜在)作用的角度;第二,从国际法的执行角度;第三,从欧盟食品和消费者法律一致性的角度,包括其行为维度。
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引用次数: 1
When Does a Communication to the Public Under EU Copyright Law Need to Be to a ‘New Public’? 根据欧盟版权法,什么时候向公众传播需要向“新公众”传播?
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3640493
Eleonora Rosati
This article analyses CJEU case law on the notion of ‘new public’ in the context of the right of communication to the public in EU copyright law, with a focus on Article 3(1) of the InfoSoc Directive. It investigates its origin, use and development, as well as the justifications given for such use. By identifying for the first time four distinct groups of case law, the analysis shows how the role of the ‘new public’ has changed over time. If intended as a requirement, the ‘new public’ creates undue complexity in the reasoning of the CJEU in most instances. While others have suggested that the CJEU should disregard this notion altogether, this article proposes a less radical way for the CJEU to ‘escape’ the difficulties inherent to its own jurisprudence.
本文分析了欧洲法院在欧盟版权法中对公众传播权背景下的“新公众”概念的判例法,重点是InfoSoc指令第3(1)条。它调查了它的起源、使用和发展,以及这种使用的理由。通过首次确定四组不同的判例法,分析显示了“新公众”的角色是如何随着时间的推移而变化的。如果作为一项要求,“新公众”在大多数情况下会使欧洲法院的推理过于复杂。虽然其他人建议欧洲法院应该完全无视这一概念,但本文为欧洲法院提出了一种不那么激进的方式来“逃避”其自身法理学固有的困难。
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引用次数: 2
Regulatory Autonomy after EU Membership - Alignment, Divergence and the Discipline of Law 加入欧盟后的监管自治——一致性、分歧与法律纪律
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-05 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3593482
Kenneth A. Armstrong
The United Kingdom withdrew from the European Union on 31 January 2020 and immediately entered into a period of “transition”. With the EU acquis continuing to apply to the UK during this period, regulatory alignment with the EU is maintained until transition ends. However, this “shadow membership” is not an intimation of the desire of the UK to maintain alignment following transition. Indeed, the UK has stipulated that continuing alignment is incompatible with its direction of travel out of the EU. Rather, in its desire to protect and enhance its “regulatory autonomy”, the UK is set to ditch the discipline on its autonomy experienced during membership—a “free movement” discipline—in favour of a looser “free trade” discipline. In response, the EU has asserted the need to protect its own autonomy by demanding that the UK commit to “level playing-field” requirements aimed at preventing the EU’s balance of market liberalism and regulation and regulatory competition and neutrality from being eroded. The aim of this article is to evaluate whether the ambition to agree a comprehensive economic partnership is compatible with EU and UK attempts to protect their regulatory autonomy.
英国于2020年1月31日退出欧盟,立即进入“过渡期”。在此期间,欧盟协议继续适用于英国,与欧盟的监管保持一致,直到过渡结束。然而,这种“影子成员”并不意味着英国希望在过渡后保持联盟。事实上,英国已经规定,继续与欧盟结盟与其退出欧盟的方向是不相容的。相反,出于保护和增强其“监管自主权”的愿望,英国准备放弃其在欧盟成员国期间所经历的自主权纪律——“自由流动”纪律——而倾向于更宽松的“自由贸易”纪律。作为回应,欧盟坚称有必要保护自身的自主权,要求英国承诺“公平竞争”的要求,以防止欧盟在市场自由主义和监管、监管竞争和中立性之间的平衡受到侵蚀。本文的目的是评估达成全面经济伙伴关系的雄心是否与欧盟和英国保护其监管自主权的努力相一致。
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引用次数: 2
Regulatory Autonomy after EU Membership: Alignment, Divergence and the Discipline of Law 加入欧盟后的监管自主权:结盟、分歧与法律纪律
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-01 DOI: 10.17863/CAM.51700
Kenneth A. Armstrong
The United Kingdom withdrew from the European Union on 31 January 2020 and immediately entered into a period of “transition”. With the EU acquis continuing to apply to the UK during this period, regulatory alignment with the EU is maintained until transition ends. However, this “shadow membership” is not an intimation of the desire of the UK to maintain alignment following transition. Indeed, the UK has stipulated that continuing alignment is incompatible with its direction of travel out of the EU. Rather, in its desire to protect and enhance its “regulatory autonomy”, the UK is set to ditch the discipline on its autonomy experienced during membership—a “free movement” discipline—in favour of a looser “free trade” discipline. In response, the EU has asserted the need to protect its own autonomy by demanding that the UK commit to “level playing-field” requirements aimed at preventing the EU’s balance of market liberalism and regulation and regulatory competition and neutrality from being eroded. The aim of this article is to evaluate whether the ambition to agree a comprehensive economic partnership is compatible with EU and UK attempts to protect their regulatory autonomy.
联合王国于2020年1月31日退出欧盟,并立即进入“过渡期”。在此期间,欧盟法律继续适用于英国,在过渡结束之前,与欧盟的监管保持一致。然而,这种“影子成员身份”并不是英国希望在过渡后保持一致的暗示。事实上,英国已经规定,继续结盟与其脱离欧盟的方向不相容。相反,为了保护和加强其“监管自主权”,英国将放弃其在加入欧盟期间所经历的自主权纪律——一种“自由流动”纪律——转而支持更宽松的“自由贸易”纪律。作为回应,欧盟声称有必要保护自己的自主权,要求英国承诺“公平竞争环境”要求,以防止欧盟在市场自由主义和监管以及监管竞争和中立之间的平衡受到侵蚀。本文的目的是评估达成全面经济伙伴关系的雄心是否符合欧盟和英国保护其监管自主权的努力。
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引用次数: 0
Crypto-assets: Legal Characterisation and Challenges under Private Law 加密资产:私法下的法律特征和挑战
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-02-05 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3532316
C. Zilioli
Are our legal systems, and in particular that of private law, prepared to deal with crypto-assets in a way that ensures legal protection for the rights and obligations of citizens and private firms, without hindering innovation? After defining the new phenomenon of crypto-assets and its complex relationship with established legal concepts, this article deals with how the courts have characterised crypto-assets and the rights they are considered to confer; how these rights can be enforced; and the actions the judiciary and especially the legislator could undertake, among prohibition, benign neglect, regulation or extensive interpretation, and compulsory insurance, to allow our legal systems to adapt and ensure that crypto-assets prosper without shifting risk on society. Given the global nature of the crypto-assets phenomenon, only an international approach will be able to tackle this challenge.
我们的法律体系,特别是私法体系,是否准备好以一种确保对公民和私营公司的权利和义务的法律保护而不阻碍创新的方式处理加密资产?在定义了加密资产的新现象及其与既定法律概念的复杂关系之后,本文讨论了法院如何描述加密资产及其被认为赋予的权利;如何实施这些权利;司法部门,特别是立法者可以采取的行动,包括禁止、良性忽视、监管或广泛解释,以及强制保险,以使我们的法律体系能够适应并确保加密资产的繁荣,而不会转移社会风险。鉴于加密资产现象的全球性,只有国际方法才能应对这一挑战。
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引用次数: 5
Brexit and Public Procurement: Transitioning into the Void? 英国脱欧与公共采购:向空白过渡?
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-04-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3166056
P. Telles, Albert Sánchez Graells
On 29 March 2017, the UK notified its intention of leaving the EU. This activated the two-year disconnection period foreseen in art.50 TEU, thus resulting in a default Brexit at the end of March 2019. The firming up of a draft agreement on a transition period to run until 31 December 2020 could provide a longer timescale for the Brexit disconnection, as well as some clarity on the process of disentanglement of the UK’s and EU’s legal systems. The draft transition agreement of 19 March 2018, updated on 19 June 2018 and still under negotiation at the time of writing, provides explicit rules on public procurement bound to regulate “internal” procurement trade between the UK and the EU for a period of over 15 months. However, the uncertainty concerning the future EU–UK relationship remains, and the draft agreement does not provide any indication on the likely legal architecture for future EU–UK trade, including through public procurement. The draft agreement has thus not suppressed the risk of a “cliffedge” disconnection post-Brexit, but rather only deferred it. The transition is currently not into an alternative system of procurement regulation, but rather into the void. There have also been very limited developments concerning the UK’s and EU’s repositioning within the World Trade Organization Government Procurement Agreement (WTO GPA), which creates additional legal uncertainty from the perspective of “external” trade in procurement markets due to the absence of a “WTO rules” default applicable to public procurement. Against the backdrop of this legal uncertainty, this article critically assesses the implications of the 2018 draft transition agreement, both for the re-regulation of “internal” EU–UK procurement, and for the repositioning of both the EU and the UK within the WTO GPA, as the basis for their “external” procurement trade with third countries. The article concludes that it is in both the UK’s and the EU’s interest to reach a future EU–UK FTA that ensures continued collaboration and crystallises current compliance with EU rules, and to build on it to reach a jointly negotiated solution vis-a-vis the rest of WTO GPA parties. The article constitutes a detailed case study that provides insights applicable to other areas of Brexit-related trade reregulation.
2017年3月29日,英国宣布退出欧盟。这就启动了第50条所预见的两年断网期TEU,从而导致2019年3月底违约脱欧。确定一项过渡期至2020年12月31日的协议草案,可能会为英国脱欧提供更长的时间,并在一定程度上明确英国和欧盟法律体系的分离过程。2018年3月19日的过渡协议草案,于2018年6月19日更新,在撰写本文时仍在谈判中,为公共采购提供了明确的规则,以规范英国和欧盟之间的“内部”采购贸易,为期超过15个月。然而,未来欧盟-英国关系的不确定性仍然存在,协议草案没有提供任何关于未来欧盟-英国贸易可能的法律架构的指示,包括通过公共采购。因此,该协议草案并没有抑制英国脱欧后出现“断崖式”脱欧的风险,而只是推迟了这种风险。目前的过渡不是进入另一种采购监管制度,而是进入空白。关于英国和欧盟在世界贸易组织政府采购协定(WTO GPA)中的重新定位,也有非常有限的进展,由于缺乏适用于公共采购的“WTO规则”默认值,从采购市场“外部”贸易的角度来看,这造成了额外的法律不确定性。在这种法律不确定性的背景下,本文批判性地评估了2018年过渡协议草案的影响,无论是对“内部”欧盟-英国采购的重新监管,还是对欧盟和英国在WTO GPA中的重新定位,作为他们与第三国“外部”采购贸易的基础。文章的结论是,达成未来的欧盟-英国自由贸易协定,确保继续合作,明确当前对欧盟规则的遵守,并以此为基础,与其他WTO GPA缔约方达成联合谈判解决方案,符合英国和欧盟的利益。这篇文章构成了一个详细的案例研究,提供了适用于英国脱欧相关贸易监管其他领域的见解。
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引用次数: 0
The Legal Basis for EU Criminal Law Legislation 欧盟刑法立法的法律基础
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-19 DOI: 10.5040/9781509903382.ch-005
Jacob Öberg
Article 83(2) TFEU, introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon, confers a power on the EU to harmonise Member States’ legislation to define criminal offences and criminal sanctions. Nonetheless, uncertainty persists as to whether this provision exhaustively determines the EU’s power to adopt criminal law to enforce its policies. The article outlines the core case for viewing art.83(2) TFEU as a lex specialis. It argues that the post-Lisbon constitutional design, alongside principled and teleological considerations, support a Member State centred approach for criminal law competence. This is particularly the case with regard to the adoption of harmonisation measures.
里斯本条约引入的TFEU第83(2)条赋予欧盟协调成员国立法以定义刑事犯罪和刑事制裁的权力。尽管如此,这一条款是否彻底决定了欧盟通过刑法执行其政策的权力,仍存在不确定性。这篇文章概述了将《反恐怖主义法》第83(2)条视为特别法的核心情况。它认为,后里斯本的宪法设计,加上原则性和目的性考虑,支持以会员国为中心的刑法管辖权方法。在采取协调措施方面尤其如此。
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引用次数: 3
Abuse of Law in the Context of EU Law 欧盟法律背景下的法律滥用
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3434044
Sudabeh Kamanabrou
Abuse of law in the context of EU law has been a subject of some debate. In recent cases the European Court of Justice has shown a tendency towards mixing different approaches from earlier judgments. This article takes a critical view of this development. It points out that, relating to abuse in the context of EU law, two groups of cases can and should be distinguished: on the one hand, the inappropriate use of a provision of EU law, and, on the other hand, the inappropriate use of national law with the help of EU law. This differentiation has an impact on the handling of abuse cases. It is the decisive factor in deciding how to introduce the concept of abuse into the application of law. Furthermore, it affects the answer to the question if national law or a general principle of EU law is to be applied.
在欧盟法律的背景下,法律滥用一直是一些争论的主题。在最近的案件中,欧洲法院显示出一种将不同的方法与早期判决混合在一起的趋势。本文对这一发展持批判的观点。文章指出,关于欧盟法律背景下的滥用,可以而且应该区分两类案例:一方面是对欧盟法律条款的不当使用,另一方面是在欧盟法律的帮助下对国内法的不当使用。这种区别对处理虐待案件有影响。它是决定如何将滥用概念引入法律适用的决定性因素。此外,它还影响到是适用国内法还是适用欧盟法律的一般原则这一问题的答案。
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引用次数: 0
A Federal Question Doctrine for EU Fundamental Rights Law: Making Sense of Articles 51 and 53 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights 欧盟基本权利法的联邦问题原则:对《基本权利宪章》第51条和第53条的理解
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3502091
Konstanze von Papp
The EU Fundamental Rights Charter should be understood as acknowledging that fundamental rights are the foundation of European democracies and thus underlying EU integration, and that the division of powers between the EU and its Member States is ultimately in the interest of people. This would leave room for the overprotection of rights as a matter of national or international law. Such a rights-based approach would respect international human rights law and fit into EU internal market, citizenship and private law. Respect for Member State powers would serve as a limiting factor to this approach by limiting the extent of judicial review by the Court of Justice of the EU.
《欧盟基本权利宪章》应该被理解为承认基本权利是欧洲民主的基础,因此是欧盟一体化的基础,欧盟及其成员国之间的权力划分最终是为了人民的利益。这将给作为国内法或国际法问题过度保护权利留下余地。这种基于权利的方法将尊重国际人权法,并符合欧盟内部市场、公民和私法。通过限制欧盟法院司法审查的范围,对成员国权力的尊重将成为这种做法的限制因素。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
European Law Review
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