反酷儿:酷儿政治与出柜之间隐喻的不可通约性

Q2 Arts and Humanities Journal of Information Ethics Pub Date : 2010-09-01 DOI:10.3172/JIE.19.2.17
Alice Liao
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To broaden the scope still, those who are bisexual, transsexual, and even those with disabilities and cancer, those who are rape victims, straight spouses of homosexual partners, and non-racially marked ethnicities all need to come out (Field, 1993; Buxton, 1994; Carbado, 2000; Arnold, 2000; Lesbian and Breast Cancer Project Team, 2004; Lo, 2006). Indeed, the \"coming out\" narrative is pervasive and central in the conceptualization of non-heteronormative identity formation and community development and has been adopted in different venues and contexts that are not directly related to sexuality. There is something about the coming out experience that is conformatory, that confers an acceptable identity onto someone, that assures the subject group support and inclusion.Yet, \"coming out\" is not a definitive or fixed event or process as the term itself might imply, but rather an individually variable experience(s) whose meaning is contextually and historically dependent. By demonstrating the heterogeneous use of the term \"coming out,\" I hope to problematicize the naturalization of \"coming out\" as an inevitable process in identity formation and a narrative in identity expression. Contrary to its \"naturalness,\" the term \"coming out\" has been deployed as a trope to frame our conceptualization of nonheteronormative identity and expression. The exact time when sexuality becomes, if at all, a constitutive part of one's identity may vary across culture and history. Foucault notes, in the Western culture, the discursive explosion of the eighteenth and nineteenth century caused a centrifugal movement with respect to heterosexual monogamy and scrutiny of the sexuality of those who did not like the opposite sex and for these people to make the difficult confession of what they were (Foucault, 1990, 38-39).Adoption and Transformation of the Coming Out Metaphor in Post-Stonewall U.S. History\"Coming out\" of non-heteronormative individuals is a relatively recent phenomenon in Western culture. In fact, research on the historical discourse of gay culture indicates that \"coming out\" gained its social significance as a strategic practice and a rhetoric after the 1969 Stonewall riots and the subsequent Gay Liberation movement in the 1970s and 1980s (Merla, 1996; Warren, 1997). As a political activist movement, the Gay Liberation Front mobilized many individuals to claim a certain \"collective identity\" on the basis of their sexualities. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

引用Andrew Holleran的观察,“同性恋生活中的每一段新的友谊都需要解释我是如何来到这里的”,Patrick Merla总结说,“出柜”已经成为同性恋男人生活中的中心事件,“男人出柜的方式影响着他的一生”(Merla, 1996)。出柜,也就是表达个人非异性恋性取向的行为,是美国社会对同性恋的描述的关键。这个“事件”也是女同性恋者生活和女同性恋身份的核心。在Weiss的讨论中,出柜叙事反映在女同性恋独立电影中(Weiss, 2004)以及其他文化背景中。此外,在女同性恋女性主义小说类型中,自20世纪70年代以来,出柜叙事一直是写作的典范模式(Wilson, 1996;快活,2001)。为了扩大范围,那些双性恋者,变性者,甚至那些残疾和癌症患者,那些强奸受害者,同性恋伴侣的异性恋配偶,以及非种族标记的种族都需要出来(Field, 1993;巴克斯顿,1994;Carbado, 2000;阿诺德,2000;女同性恋与乳腺癌项目组,2004;瞧,2006)。事实上,“出柜”的叙述在非异性恋身份形成和社区发展的概念化中是普遍和核心的,并且已经在与性没有直接关系的不同场所和背景中被采用。出柜的经历是顺应性的,它给了一个人一个可接受的身份,它保证了被试群体的支持和包容。然而,“出柜”并不像这个词本身所暗示的那样是一个确定的或固定的事件或过程,而是一种个体可变的经历,其意义取决于背景和历史。通过展示“出柜”一词的异质用法,我希望对“出柜”的归化作为身份形成的必然过程和身份表达的叙事提出质疑。与“自然”相反,“出柜”这个词已经被用作一种比喻,用来框定我们对非异性恋身份和表达的概念化。性成为一个人身份的组成部分的确切时间,可能因文化和历史的不同而不同。福柯指出,在西方文化中,18和19世纪的话语爆炸引起了一场离心运动,涉及异性恋一夫一妻制和对那些不喜欢异性的人的性行为的审查,并使这些人艰难地承认他们是谁(福柯,1990,38-39)。非异性恋个体的“出柜”在西方文化中是一个相对较新的现象。事实上,对同性恋文化历史话语的研究表明,“出柜”作为一种战略实践和修辞获得了社会意义,是在1969年的石墙骚乱和随后的20世纪70年代和80年代的同性恋解放运动之后(Merla, 1996;沃伦,1997)。作为一个政治活动家运动,同性恋解放阵线动员了许多人在性取向的基础上要求某种“集体认同”。剩下的就是历史了;30多年来,“出柜”这个比喻在文化资本主义中享有一定的地位。由于迅速增加的媒体流通和同性恋解放主义者的政治策略,“出柜”这个短语因此被创造出来,用于讨论个人经历和社会/文化/政治身份。德拉尼说,在“石墙事件”之前的年代,酷儿们用“出柜”这个词来描述他们的同性性经历,因为他们进入了酷儿文化和社区。然而,后石墙时代,“出柜”隐喻的新含义从异性恋者的角度重新定义了出柜主体,从而不仅构建了我们对性和身份的概念化,也构建了规范与非规范之间权力关系的概念化。…
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Contra Queer: The Metaphoric Incommensurability between Queer Politics and Coming Out
IntroductionEvoking Andrew Holleran's observation that "every new friendship in the gay life entailed an explanation of How I Got Here," Patrick Merla concludes that "coming out" has become a central event in a gay man's life, and "the way in which the man comes out reverberates throughout his life" (Merla, 1996). Coming out, that is, the act of enunciation of an individual's non-heteronormative sexuality, is key to the social narrative of being gay in America. This "event" is central also to a lesbian's life and within lesbian identity. As in Weiss's discussion, the coming-out narrative is reflected in lesbian independent films (Weiss, 2004) as well as other cultural contexts. In the genre of lesbian feminist fiction, moreover, the coming-out narrative has been the paradigmatic model of writing since the 1970s (Wilson, 1996; Jolly, 2001). To broaden the scope still, those who are bisexual, transsexual, and even those with disabilities and cancer, those who are rape victims, straight spouses of homosexual partners, and non-racially marked ethnicities all need to come out (Field, 1993; Buxton, 1994; Carbado, 2000; Arnold, 2000; Lesbian and Breast Cancer Project Team, 2004; Lo, 2006). Indeed, the "coming out" narrative is pervasive and central in the conceptualization of non-heteronormative identity formation and community development and has been adopted in different venues and contexts that are not directly related to sexuality. There is something about the coming out experience that is conformatory, that confers an acceptable identity onto someone, that assures the subject group support and inclusion.Yet, "coming out" is not a definitive or fixed event or process as the term itself might imply, but rather an individually variable experience(s) whose meaning is contextually and historically dependent. By demonstrating the heterogeneous use of the term "coming out," I hope to problematicize the naturalization of "coming out" as an inevitable process in identity formation and a narrative in identity expression. Contrary to its "naturalness," the term "coming out" has been deployed as a trope to frame our conceptualization of nonheteronormative identity and expression. The exact time when sexuality becomes, if at all, a constitutive part of one's identity may vary across culture and history. Foucault notes, in the Western culture, the discursive explosion of the eighteenth and nineteenth century caused a centrifugal movement with respect to heterosexual monogamy and scrutiny of the sexuality of those who did not like the opposite sex and for these people to make the difficult confession of what they were (Foucault, 1990, 38-39).Adoption and Transformation of the Coming Out Metaphor in Post-Stonewall U.S. History"Coming out" of non-heteronormative individuals is a relatively recent phenomenon in Western culture. In fact, research on the historical discourse of gay culture indicates that "coming out" gained its social significance as a strategic practice and a rhetoric after the 1969 Stonewall riots and the subsequent Gay Liberation movement in the 1970s and 1980s (Merla, 1996; Warren, 1997). As a political activist movement, the Gay Liberation Front mobilized many individuals to claim a certain "collective identity" on the basis of their sexualities. And the rest is history; for over three decades, the trope of "coming out" has enjoyed a status in cultural capitalism. Because of the rapid and increased media circulation and gay liberationists' political strategy, this phrase, "coming out of the closet," was thus coined for the discussions of personal experience and social/cultural/political identity. In pre-Stonewall years, according to Delany, queer subjects deployed the term "coming out" to describe their same-sex sexual experience as coming out into a queer culture and community. Post-Stonewall, however, the new meaning of the "coming out" metaphor redefines the coming-out subjects from the perspective of the heterosexist majority, and thus structures our conceptualization not only of sexualities and identities, but also of power relations between normative and non-normative. …
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Journal of Information Ethics
Journal of Information Ethics Arts and Humanities-Philosophy
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