减轻痛苦:美国外交政策中的朝鲜人权政治

Q1 Arts and Humanities North Korean Review Pub Date : 2014-09-01 DOI:10.3172/NKR.10.2.71
Andrew Yeo
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引用次数: 4

摘要

朝鲜人民在金氏政权的统治下遭受人权侵犯。尽管对虐待的严重性质达成共识,但处理(更不用说解决)这些问题已被证明是困难的。使问题进一步复杂化的是,朝鲜的人权问题植根于永久的核危机和人道主义危机。这在政策制定者、援助工作者和活动人士之间引发了伦理辩论和许多自我反省,他们在原则和实用主义的选择之间左右为难。这也不可避免地导致了北韩人权的政治化。在美国的外交政策中,朝鲜人权问题的政治化引发了一个有趣的问题:为什么人权团体和人道主义援助团体有时会互相不信任,而他们的崇高目的是减轻人类的痛苦?在一个理想的世界里,人权及其近亲人道主义援助不受政治影响。但在人权和人道主义援助界的狭隘政策和活动家圈子中,由于不同的策略、目标和世界观发生冲突,政治不可避免地进入了画面。本文探讨了对朝鲜人权苦难的不同回应,以及自20世纪90年代中期以来美国人权接触和倡导方法之间对比鲜明但共生关系的演变。更具体地说,我研究了短期和长期战略目标是如何与不同的道德和原则信念相互作用的。这种互动产生了两个不同的网络,致力于缓解朝鲜人的困境。对朝鲜苦难的回应之一是强调继续在战略层面与朝鲜接触,但更重要的是在人道主义层面。随着朝鲜严重侵犯人权的证据在上世纪90年代末增多,第二个网络出现了,他们将重点转向了宣传和意识,要求朝鲜人民享有更大的政治权利和自由。了解政治背景为了澄清这两种理想类型阵营之间的差异,1以参与为导向的方法寻求通过人道主义倡议、社会企业家精神、教育培训和以市场为导向的商业发展来满足朝鲜人的基本需求并改善生活条件接触并不一定意味着与该政权进行谈判。相反,它意味着在州或地方层面与朝鲜人进行不同程度的互动,目的是建立工作关系接触方式的核心是在民间层面建立关系和伙伴关系。在光谱的另一端是人权普世主义者,他们提倡朝鲜人民享有更大的自由、自由和政治权利。4通过记录侵犯行为和报道诸如古拉格集中营的位置、性交易、难民危机或宗教迫害等话题来点名和羞辱朝鲜政权仍然是他们的主要内容。有些人从事的活动有时会侵犯北韩的主权。这包括建立一个地下系统,帮助逃北者逃到安全的其他国家,通常是东南亚或蒙古,希望在韩国寻求庇护,或通过无线电广播、USB驱动器、dvd和气球向朝鲜发送有关外部世界的信息。根据第一手和第二手报告的证据、对人权活动人士的采访以及2009年至2011年朝鲜人权事件的参与者观察(见附录A),我建立了一个分析框架,有助于阐明朝鲜人权政治化。我认为,短期与长期战略和原则信念之间相互作用的差异,导致了人道主义参与与人权倡导/点名羞辱朝鲜苦难方式之间的分歧。这里的战略信念指的是个人所持有的关于国家安全问题的决策的想法。…
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Alleviating Misery: The Politics of North Korean Human Rights in U.S. Foreign Policy
IntroductionNorth Koreans suffer from human rights abuses at the hands of the Kim regime. Despite consensus regarding the serious nature of abuses, addressing (much less resolving) these issues has proven to be difficult. Complicating matters further, the problem of North Korean human rights is embedded in the context of perpetual nuclear and humanitarian crises. This has stimulated ethical debates and much soul-searching among policymakers, aid workers, and activists torn between choices of principle and pragmatism. It has also inevitability led to the politicization of North Korean human rights.The politicization of North Korean human rights in U.S. foreign policy raises an interesting puzzle: why do human rights and humanitarian aid groups with noble intentions of alleviating human suffering at times distrust one another? In an ideal world, human rights, and its close cousin, humanitarian aid, knows no politics. But among narrow policy and activist circles within the human rights and humanitarian aid communities, politics has inevitably crept into the picture as different tactics, goals, and worldviews collide.This article explores different responses to human suffering in North Korea and the evolution of the contrasting yet symbiotic relationship between engagement and advocacy approaches to human rights since the mid-1990s in the United States. More concretely, I examine how short and long term strategic goals interacted with different moral and principled beliefs. This interaction produced two different networks working to alleviate the plight of North Koreans. One response to North Korean suffering stressed continued engagement with North Korea at the strategic, but more importantly humanitarian level. As evidence of gross human rights violations mounted in the late 1990s, a second network emerged shifting their focus toward advocacy and awareness, demanding greater political rights and freedoms for North Koreans.Understanding the Political ContextTo clarify the difference between these two ideal-type camps,1 an engagement-oriented approach seeks to meet the basic needs of North Koreans and improve living conditions through humanitarian initiatives, social entrepreneurship, educational training, and market-oriented business development.2 Engagement does not necessarily mean holding negotiations with the regime. Rather, it implies various levels of interaction with North Koreans at the state or local level with the goal of building working relationships.3 At the heart of an engagement approach is the idea of building relations and partnerships at the people-to-people level.On the other end of the spectrum are the human rights universalists who advocate greater freedom, liberty, and political rights for North Koreans.4 Naming and shaming the regime by documenting violations and reporting on topics such as the location of gulags, sex trafficking, the refugee crisis, or religious persecution remain their staple. Some have engaged in activities which at times encroach on North Korean sovereignty. This includes establishing an underground system helping North Koreans escape to the safety of other countries, often in Southeast Asia or Mongolia, in hopes of seeking asylum in South Korea, or sending information about the outside world into North Korea through radio broadcasts, USB drives, DVDs, and balloons.Drawing on evidence from primary and secondary accounts, interviews with human rights activists, and participant-observation at North Korean human rights events from 2009 to 2011 (see Appendix A), I build an analytical framework which helps shed light on the politicization of North Korean human rights. I argue that variations in the interaction between short- and long-term strategic and principled beliefs resulted in a division between a humanitarian engagement and a human rights advocacy/naming-and-shaming approach to North Korean suffering. Strategic beliefs here refer to ideas held by individuals which inform decision-making on national security issues. …
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North Korean Review
North Korean Review Arts and Humanities-History
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