北京协议不是商定的框架

Q1 Arts and Humanities North Korean Review Pub Date : 2007-09-01 DOI:10.3172/NKR.3.2.19
P. Hayes
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The old Agreed Framework collapsed in 2002 when the United States accused the DPRK of pursuing uranium enrichment outside of the Agreed Framework. The ultra-hard line critics have got it wrong, again.The Agreed Framework provided two reactors at a cost of about $4 billion to the DPRK on a 2 percent per year confessional financing basis. In present value for the capital and operating costs, and assuming the power would have been exported to South Korea on a commercial basis (the North Korean grid being incapable of operating these reactors), the total \"annualized\" cost the reactors would have been about $300 million per year for the DPRK.The export earnings from the ROK would have been about $700 million per year from the two DPRK reactors exporting power to the ROK grid. The DPRK would thereby have earned about $368 million per year in profit. 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引用次数: 3

摘要

最新一轮六方会谈达成了一项执行“初步行动”阶段的联合声明,其中包括:*朝鲜将冻结宁边的钚生产和加工,并将允许国际原子能机构核查人员返回该国,以监测和核实这一冻结*将成立五个工作组,分别是美朝关系、美日关系、能源和经济援助、停战和安全问题。*在60天内向朝鲜提供相当于紧急能源援助的5万吨重油。六方还同意进入“下一阶段”,其定义为:“朝鲜全面申报所有核计划,并拆除所有现有核设施,包括石墨慢化反应堆和后处理设施——相当于100万吨重燃料油的经济、能源和人道主义援助,包括相当于5万吨重燃料油的首批物资,将向朝鲜提供。塌方?北京协议已经被抨击为出卖,让人想起1994年的美朝框架协议,根据该框架协议,朝鲜冻结了其核燃料循环,每年获得两个轻反应堆和50万吨重燃料油,直到反应堆完工。旧的框架协议在2002年崩溃,当时美国指责朝鲜在框架协议之外进行铀浓缩活动。极端强硬路线的批评者又一次搞错了。《框架协议》向朝鲜提供了两座反应堆,费用约为40亿美元,年利率为2%。以资本和运营成本的现值计算,并假设电力将在商业基础上出口到韩国(朝鲜电网无法运行这些反应堆),对朝鲜来说,反应堆的“年化”总成本约为每年3亿美元。这两个朝鲜反应堆向韩国电网出口电力,每年将为韩国带来约7亿美元的出口收入。因此,朝鲜每年可赚取约3.68亿美元的利润。在此基础上,我们每年再追加1.5亿美元,购买∂a百万吨重燃料油,按照旧协议,这些油将每年运往朝鲜,直到反应堆完工。朝鲜民主主义人民共和国将从《框架协议》中获得的净现值总额约为46亿美元(这将在反应堆开始运行之日起的30年内分摊)。经济在《框架协议》中是重要的,尽管它的失败主要是由于双方未能履行其使政治和安全关系正常化的承诺。他们从北京协议中得到了什么?如果北韩冻结钚设施,并且工作小组的谈判在这段时间内进展顺利,那么在今后60天内将提供区区5万吨重油。当他们完全“禁用”燃料循环时,他们又获得了95万吨重燃料油(或来自其他能源援助的等量)。最早也要在两年内。这种燃料的现值约为2.57亿美元,约占他们选择发展核武器时放弃的旧协议46亿美元价值的6%。直到第二阶段完成,第三阶段真正的裁军确定,并且可能正在顺利进行,他们才会得到这些。美国和其他各方将在头60天内送出的5万吨作为善意的首付款值得吗?…与选择核武器时放弃的46亿美元相比,只有区区1500万美元。这纯粹是象征性的,是让平壤继续讨论第二阶段和第三阶段的代价;如果他们不在工作小组讨论土耳其问题,就连这一切都可能化为乌有。这一切告诉我们什么?…
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The Beijing Deal Is Not the Agreed Framework
IntroductionThe latest round of the Six Party Talks resulted in a joint statement to implement a phase of "Initial Actions" including:* The DPRK will freeze plutonium production and processing at Yongbyon and will let IAEA inspectors back into the country to monitor and verify this freeze* Five working groups will be set up on U.S.-DPRK relations, U.S.-Japan relations, energy and economic aid, Armistice and security issues, and denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula* Provision of 50,000 tons of heavy fuel oil equivalent of emergency energy assistance to the DPRK within 60 days.The six parties also agreed to undertake the "next phase," defined as: "provision by the DPRK of a complete declaration of all nuclear programs and disablement of all existing nuclear facilities, including graphite-moderated reactors and reprocessing plant-economic, energy and humanitarian assistance up to the equivalent of 1 million tons of heavy fuel oil (HFO), including the initial shipment equivalent to 50,000 tons of HFO, will be provided to the DPRK."U.S. Cave-in?The Beijing Deal has been attacked already as a sell-out and reminiscent of the 1994 U.S.-DPRK Agreed Framework under which the DPRK froze its nuclear fuel cycle and got two light reactors and half a million tons of heavy fuel oil per year until the reactors were complete. The old Agreed Framework collapsed in 2002 when the United States accused the DPRK of pursuing uranium enrichment outside of the Agreed Framework. The ultra-hard line critics have got it wrong, again.The Agreed Framework provided two reactors at a cost of about $4 billion to the DPRK on a 2 percent per year confessional financing basis. In present value for the capital and operating costs, and assuming the power would have been exported to South Korea on a commercial basis (the North Korean grid being incapable of operating these reactors), the total "annualized" cost the reactors would have been about $300 million per year for the DPRK.The export earnings from the ROK would have been about $700 million per year from the two DPRK reactors exporting power to the ROK grid. The DPRK would thereby have earned about $368 million per year in profit. To this, we add an additional $150 million per year for ∂ a million tons of heavy fuel oil that would have gone to the DPRK each year until the reactors were complete under the old deal.The total net present value that the DPRK stood to gain in the Agreed Framework was about $4.6 billion (this would have been spread over 30 years from the time the reactors began operating). The economics were important in the Agreed Framework, although it foundered primarily on the failure of both parties to implement their commitments to normalize political and security relations.What do they get in the Beijing Deal? A measly 50,000 tons of heavy fuel oil in the next 60 days, provided they freeze their plutonium facilities and the talks in the working groups go well over this time frame. When they have fully "disabled" their fuel cycle, they get another 950,000 tons of heavy fuel oil (or equivalent value from other energy assistance). At the earliest, this would be in two years. The present value of this fuel is about $257 million or about 6 percent of the $4.6 billion value of the old deal that they gave up when they opted for nuclear weapons. And, they get none of it until phase 2 is completed, and phase 3 of actual disarmament defined and presumably well underway.And the 50,000 tons to be sent in the first 60 days given by the United States and other parties as a good faith down-payment is worth? ... a tiny $15 million versus the $4.6 billion that they gave up when the opted for nuclear weapons. It is purely symbolic and is the price to be paid to get Pyongyang to continue to talk about phase 2 and 3; and if they don't talk turkey in the working groups, even that is likely to evaporate.What does all this tell us? …
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North Korean Review
North Korean Review Arts and Humanities-History
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Staying the course: Denuclearization and path dependence in the US's North Korea policy Editor-in-Chief's Comments Managing Editor's Comments Socio-Economic Change in the DPRK and Korean Security Dilemmas: The Implications for International Policy North Korea and Northeast Asian Regional Security
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