纽约市的民权:从二战到朱利安尼时代

Q2 Arts and Humanities Centro Journal Pub Date : 2013-10-01 DOI:10.5860/choice.49-2352
Saulo Colón
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Self, Komozi Woodard, Jeanne Theoharis, and others this compilation, though focused on New York City, confirms not just the early, but also the varied, presence of civil rights organizations and protests in the North as well as their urgent role in helping to develop the Civil Rights Movement in the South. As the editor notes, this book \"is unique because it is the only anthology that focuses on the civil rights movement in New York City from such a variety of perspectives\" (p. 4).Due to the historical interpretation by the authors of these chapters of a diverse array of leaders, organizations, and community struggles, this book dismisses the easy periodization and false characterization of an earlier, southern, united, civil rights movement and then later, more militant, fragmented, urban, identity-based power movements. 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引用次数: 7

摘要

《纽约市的民权:从二战到朱利安尼时代》,克拉伦斯·泰勒·布朗克斯主编,纽约:福特汉姆大学出版社,2011年,176页;$35.00[布]这本由巴鲁克学院(CUNY)教授克拉伦斯·泰勒(Clarence Taylor)编辑的书是一本历史研究选集,对杰奎琳·多德·霍尔(Jacqueline Dowd Hall)、埃里克·阿内森(Eric Arnesen)、桑迪亚塔·凯塔·查华(Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua)和克拉伦斯·朗(Clarence Lang)等民权运动学者所争论的“长期民权运动”进行了学术讨论,并继续进行了学术讨论。这种汇编有效地增加了历史研究,确立了民权运动不仅在时间上很长,而且在地理上也很广泛。与罗伯特·o·赛尔夫(Robert O. Self)、科莫齐·伍达德(Komozi Woodard)、珍妮·西奥哈里斯(Jeanne theoharris)等人最近的研究成果一起,这本汇编虽然关注的是纽约市,但它不仅证实了民权组织和抗议活动在北方的早期存在,而且证实了它们在帮助南方发展民权运动方面的紧迫作用。编辑指出,这本书”是独一无二的,因为它是唯一的选集,侧重于民权运动在纽约等多种视角”(p。4).Due这些章节的作者的历史解读的多样的领导、组织、和社区的斗争,这本书驳斥了容易周期化和假描述的早些时候,南部,曼联,民权运动之后,更加激进,支离破碎,城市,基于身份的权力运动。事实上,根据泰勒的说法,“在他们对南方范式的挑战中,学者们不仅质疑1954年民权运动的起始日期”,而且还质疑“把20世纪60年代末的黑人权力运动描绘成一股使争取民权的‘胜利’斗争脱离轨道的力量”(第2页)。这种对20世纪50年代民权运动与60年代身份/权力运动之间的政治二分法的学术驳斥,有效地彻底击败了“好与坏的60年代”的观点。相反,它重申了各种被压迫民族和有色人种反对殖民化和种族化的资本主义“世界体系”的长期和广泛的“自由斗争”的前景。这本书是按时间顺序排列的,这有助于形成许多作者共同的主题之一。随着时间的推移,这些章节揭示了二战后时代的自由主义与民权运动对种族、功绩、治理和平等自由主义观念的挑战之间的紧张关系。这些章节间接地相互建立,阐明了对民权实践的概念和组织发展至关重要的政治冲突。这些章节虽然没有按主题组织,但也关注类似的主题,这些主题在其相似性模式中揭示了纽约市民权组织和受压迫的有色人种社区的主要关注点。然而,由于它们的政治或组织主题,有一部分章节应该结合起来阅读。一半的文章是关于争取学校“废除种族隔离”的斗争,而不是“融合”,因此反对教育上的种族隔离。事实上,玛莎·比昂迪在她关于纽约城市大学的民权斗争一章中重申,教育斗争是民权运动的核心,“纽约城市大学的整合是美国历史上高等教育中最重要的民权胜利”(第161页)。除了已经注意到的重点,以及在选集中分布的关于教师、学校、公共和高等教育的五章的一部分,其中两章是克拉伦斯·泰勒本人写的,还有关于住房(彼得·艾森施塔特)和公共服务(布莱恩·珀内尔)的章节,这些章节共同表明了实现自由主义明确的一体化目标的困难,因为这是“可能的、实际的和必要的”(. ...)
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Civil Rights in New York City: From World War II to the Giuliani Era
Civil Rights in New York City: From World War II to the Giuliani Era Edited by Clarence Taylor Bronx, NY: Fordham University Press, 2011 176 pages; $35.00 [cloth]This book edited by Baruch College (CUNY) professor Clarence Taylor is an anthology of historical studies that contributes to and continues the scholarly discussion into what civil rights movement scholars like Jacqueline Dowd Hall, Eric Arnesen, Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, and Clarence Lang are debating is "the long civil rights movement". This compilation effectively adds to the historical research that establishes that not only was the Civil Rights Movement temporally long but also geographically broad. Along with recent scholarship by Robert O. Self, Komozi Woodard, Jeanne Theoharis, and others this compilation, though focused on New York City, confirms not just the early, but also the varied, presence of civil rights organizations and protests in the North as well as their urgent role in helping to develop the Civil Rights Movement in the South. As the editor notes, this book "is unique because it is the only anthology that focuses on the civil rights movement in New York City from such a variety of perspectives" (p. 4).Due to the historical interpretation by the authors of these chapters of a diverse array of leaders, organizations, and community struggles, this book dismisses the easy periodization and false characterization of an earlier, southern, united, civil rights movement and then later, more militant, fragmented, urban, identity-based power movements. In fact, according to Taylor, "in their challenge to the southern paradigm, scholars not only have questioned the 1954 starting date of the civil rights movement" but have also challenged the "portrayal of the Black Power movement of the late 1960s as a force that derailed the 'triumphant' struggle for civil rights" (p. 2). This scholarly refutation of a political dichotomy between the civil rights movements of the 1950s vs. the identity/power movements of the 1960s has effectively defeated the view of a "good vs. bad Sixties" once and for all. Instead, it reaffirms the perspective of a longer and broader "freedom struggle" by various oppressed nations and people of color against a colonizing and racializing capitalist "world-system."The book is arranged chronologically, which helps to develop one of the main themes shared by many of the book's authors. Over time, the chapters reveal the tensions between the liberalism of the post-World War II era and the civil rights movement's challenges to liberal notions of race, merit, governance, and equality. These chapters indirectly build on each other in articulating the political conflicts critical to the conceptual and organizational development of civil rights praxis. The chapters, while not organized thematically, also focus on similar topics that in their pattern of similarity reveal the main concerns of civil rights organizations and oppressed communities of color in New York City. There is however, a subset of chapters that should be read in conjunction due to their political or organizational themes. Half of the articles are on the struggles for school "desegregation," specifically understood as not "integration," and therefore against educational apartheid. In fact, in her chapter on the civil rights struggle concerning the City University of New York, Martha Biondi reiterates that education struggles have been central to civil rights movements and that "the integration of CUNY has been the most significant civil rights victory in higher education in the history of the United States (p. 161). Besides the already noted focus, and subset of five chapters, on teachers, schools, and public and higher education that are spread out within the anthology, two by Clarence Taylor himself, there are chapters on housing (by Peter Eisenstadt) and public services (by Brian Purnell) that jointly show the difficulty with attaining liberalism's manifest goal of integration as "possible, practical, and necessary" (p. …
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