编者简介:媒体、两极分化与地缘政治

IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Asian Politics & Policy Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI:10.1111/aspp.12722
Aries A. Arugay
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引用次数: 0

摘要

我们现在确实处于信息和通信技术快速变革的时代。所谓的第四次工业革命不仅在人们的交流方式上,而且在信息的生产、传输和消费方面带来了翻天覆地的变化。虽然过去50年更多地关注新技术的通信方面,但目前,这场革命似乎强调了信息方面。这体现在社交媒体和人工智能的快速发展中。与人类文明史上的其他技术革命类似,它们对政治和社会的影响深远,甚至具有威胁性。民主政权的功能失调与虚假信息造成的“信息传播”并行并非巧合。美国与他们的两极分化不仅出现在民主国家,而且是当今世界的政治状况。政治共识的破坏、意识形态的妥协、集体记忆,甚至是之前被接受的知识,都是这个后真相时代的特征。亚洲正在成为社交媒体和人工智能革命的纽带。作为世界上经济和人口动态的一部分,中国和韩国等亚洲国家处于这些巨大变化的前沿。此外,亚洲人是社交媒体内容的强烈消费者,因为菲律宾和泰国等东南亚国家的“网民”是世界上数字连接最紧密的社会之一。就像一把双刃剑,他们对社交媒体的偏好使他们接触到合法信息和假新闻。国内外代理人对社交媒体虚假信息的放大,助长了这些政治中的恶性两极分化。随着人工智能的进步超过了政府监管和控制其影响的能力,其破坏性甚至破坏性影响再怎么夸大也不为过。亚洲政治;长期以来,政策一直认识到将研究精力集中在媒体、互联网和其他信通技术上的重要性。2006年,它重新推出了一个名为《媒体评论》的特别栏目,将其与亚洲其他以政策为导向的学术期刊区分开来。正如我们的前任主编所写,“……公民对政治的理解大多源于他们在媒体上所接触到的东西”(Baviera,2016)。从那时起,我们继续在高级编辑兼新闻学教授马的指导下,对亚洲一系列政治和政策话题的传统和新媒体报道进行评论。鉴于学者和研究人员对这一主题的持续关注,我们预计未来会有更多的媒体评论提交。我们本期的三篇原创文章涵盖了当前信息和通信技术革命的不同方面,反映了媒体和通信的关注。杨的文章(唐和张,2023)谈到了中国的媒体审查和控制,以及共产党如何阻止政治学经常归因于媒体的民主化力量。社交媒体在中国公民中的日益突出也可能不会给媒体自由带来希望,因为政府也加强了对其平台的控制。传播主体与政府主体的关系是张研究的重点(Chang&;Tang,2023)。利用东北亚和东南亚12个国家的数据,他们发现公民对媒体的信任程度各不相同,这与他们对媒体追究政府责任的能力的期望是一致的。这种对媒体的多样化信任也加强了媒体在政治动员甚至民主化方面发挥的有限作用。Alivi的文章(Ailvi,2023)聚焦于马来西亚充满活力的在线新闻行业,以及它如何影响投票行为。数字信息确实是鼓励人们参与政治的未来,但它也可以帮助政府使政策决策合法化。剩下的三篇文章涵盖了各种各样的话题,从韩国的不平等和两极分化、地缘政治紧张局势和罗兴亚危机,到中国执政党的不同党派意识形态倾向及其对中美关系的影响。随着本期应用程序将于2023年结束,我们希望我们的读者在该杂志明年进入15周年之际继续支持它。
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Editor's introduction: Media, polarization, and geopolitics

We are now indeed in the age of rapid transformations in information and communications technology (ICT). The so-called Fourth Industrial Revolution has brought forth sea changes in not just how people communicate, but in the production, transmission, and consumption of information. While the past 50 years focused more on the communication side of new technologies, at present, the revolution seems to emphasize the information aspect. This is seen in the fast-paced evolution of social media and artificial intelligence (AI).

Similar to other technological revolutions in the history of human civilization, their impact on politics and society are far-reaching and even menacing. It is not coincidental that the dysfunction of democratic regimes are going side-by-side with the “infodemic” caused by disinformation. Us versus Them polarization though is not just seen in democracies but is a current political condition worldwide. The destruction of political consensus, ideological compromise, collective memory, and even previously accepted knowledge are all characteristics of this post-truth era.

Asia is becoming a nexus of the social media and AI revolution. As an economically and demographically dynamic part of the world, countries in Asia like China and South Korea are at the forefront of these massive changes. Moreover, Asians are vociferous consumers of social media content as “netizens” in the Southeast Asian states like the Philippines and Thailand are among the most digitally connected societies in the world. Like a double-edged knife, their penchant for social media exposes them to both legitimate information as well as fake news. The amplification of social media disinformation, perpetuated by domestic and external agents, are contributing to the pernicious polarization in these polities. As advances in AI are outpacing the ability of governments to regulate and control their repercussions, their disruptive and even destructive impacts cannot be over exaggerated.

Asian Politics & Policy has long recognized the importance of focusing research energies on media, the internet, and other ICTs. In 2006, it re-launched a special section called Media Review, which sets it apart from other policy-oriented academic journals in Asia. As our previous editor-in-chief wrote, “… much of what citizens understand about politics is derived from what they are exposed to in the media” (Baviera, 2016). Since then, we continue to feature reviews of traditional and new media coverage of a host of political and policy topics in Asia under the stewardship of our Senior Editor and journalism professor Ma. Diosa Labiste. We expect more submissions of media reviews in the future given the sustained attention paid by scholars and researchers on this topic.

Our current issue reflects this media and communication gaze as three original articles cover different aspects of the current ICT revolution. Yang's article (Tang & Zhang, 2023) addressed media censorship and control in China and how the communist party prevents the democratizing forces that political science often attribute to the media. The increasing salience of social media among Chinese citizens also might not bring hope for media freedom as the government has also stepped up the control over its platforms. The relationship between agents of communication and agents of government are the focus of Chang's study (Chang & Tang, 2023). Using data across 12 countries in Northeast and Southeast Asia, they found that citizens have varying levels of trust with media and this is concomitant with their expectations on media's ability to hold the government accountable. This variegated trust of media also reinforced the limited role that media plays in political mobilization and even democratization. Alivi's article (Ailvi, 2023) focuses on Malaysia's vibrant online news industry and how it influenced voting behavior. Digital information is indeed the future as far as encouraging people to participate in politics but it can also help government's legitimize policy decisions.

The remaining three articles cover a variety of topics that ranged from inequality and polarization in South Korea, geopolitical tensions and the Rohingya crisis, and differing party ideological slants of the governing parties in China and its impact on its relations with the United States. As this APP issue wraps us 2023, we hope that our readers will continue supporting the journal as it enters its 15th year anniversary next year.

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来源期刊
Asian Politics & Policy
Asian Politics & Policy POLITICAL SCIENCE-
CiteScore
2.00
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0.00%
发文量
53
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Issue Information Same goal, different measures: Obscure transformation in Japan's food security policy (1970–2020) The year of democracy's consequential elections The multiple patterns of factional influence: Evidence from the 2021 LDP presidential election The impact of social and institutional trust on South Korean perceptions of North Korean arrivals 社会和制度信任对韩国人的朝鲜移民感知的影响 El impacto de la confianza social e institucional en las percepciones de los surcoreanos sobre la llegaada de norcoreanos
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