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Rules, Power, and Interests: Superpowers and a Turbulent World Order 规则、权力与利益:超级大国与动荡的世界秩序
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2026-01-31 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70063
Aries A. Arugay
<p>The capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro by United States forces marks a watershed moment in the further erosion of rules based international order (RBIO) revealing once more the propensity of great powers to instrumentalize international law and human rights for strategic ends. For Asia, this episode is not a remote Western Hemisphere anomaly but a cautionary signal that the guardrails once thought to constrain great power behavior are increasingly contingent, contested, and conditional.</p><p>I touched on the RBIO's increasing fragility and weakness last year (Arugay <span>2025</span>). To the shock of many, 2026 started with this Venezuelan operation while even leaders like Putin were on holiday. The Venezuela operation illustrates the enduring logic of superpower exceptionalism, in which great powers claim latitude to reinterpret or suspend norms that otherwise bind the rest of the international system. Legal analyses overwhelmingly view the forcible seizure of a sitting head of state, on the territory of another sovereign without its consent or UN authorization, as a prima facie breach of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter and the customary rule of non‑intervention.</p><p>US officials have framed the action as a law‑enforcement–driven “extraction” grounded in criminal indictments and the illegitimacy of Maduro's regime, blurring the line between domestic jurisdiction and the Charter's strict regulation of the use of force. This move resembles earlier efforts to justify targeted killings or transborder operations as sui generis responses to “rogue” actors, thereby chipping away at the collective security framework that formally vests coercive authority in the UN Security Council.</p><p>The narrative surrounding Maduro's capture also reveals how human rights and democracy promotion can be mobilized as selective tools rather than consistent principles. Washington has long criticized Caracas for authoritarianism, corruption, and egregious human rights abuses, yet the means chosen to address these violations involve conduct that prominent jurists argue undermines due process guarantees, non‑refoulement protections, and the prohibition against arbitrary detention when viewed through an international human rights lens. Elsewhere in the world, particularly in Southeast Asia, widespread human rights violations have not resulted in military intervention like in Myanmar (Barber and Teitt <span>2021</span>).</p><p>Such selective universalism is familiar to observers in Asia who have seen rights‑based rhetoric invoked to justify certain interventions while comparable abuses by allies or strategic partners elicit muted responses. The Maduro precedent thus feeds broader perceptions, particularly in the Global South, that the liberal order's normative vocabulary is hierarchically applied, with great powers positioning themselves simultaneously as norm entrepreneurs, enforcers, and—increasingly—exceptions to the rules.</p><p>This signalling reverber
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Numbers: Substantive Representation and the Limits of Gender Quotas in Japanese Politics 超越数字:日本政治中的实质性代表权与性别配额的限制
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2026-01-30 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70061
Dawood Rosemary Soliman

This paper critically examines the persistent under-representation of women in Japanese politics. I argue that raising the number of women in legislatures through descriptive representation solely does not ensure substantive gains for gender equality. Through conducting semi-structured interviews with eight female politicians representing municipal wards in Tokyo, this study sheds light on the recruitment strategies of political parties towards women and how it contributes in reinforcing existing gender stereotypes and limiting the effectiveness of female legislators. Situating the discussion within theories of critical mass and critical actors, the study demonstrates that structural barriers such as male-dominated political culture and electoral systems remain entrenched. By examining the status quo of women in politics and their marginalization in the electoral system, the study prescribes recruiting women based on their potential, qualifications and their willingness to act as active gender agents creating “feminist parliamentarians” instead of passive female tokens who are unable to speak about women's interests. By focusing on the substantive actions and motivations of female legislators, rather than their mere presence, this article argues for more meaningful and sustainable pathways towards gender equity in Japanese governance.

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引用次数: 0
Normative Convergence and Practical Divergence in Democracy Promotion: Japan's and South Korea's Responses to Autocratization in Myanmar 民主推进的规范趋同与实践分歧:日本与韩国对缅甸独裁的回应
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2026-01-29 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70055
Hyo-sook Kim, David M. Potter

本研究考察了日本和韩国在2021年缅甸军事政变后的应对措施。为此, 本研究借鉴规范理论, 并提出了一种民主推广类型学, 该类型学考虑了外部民主推广者与伙伴国之间的互动程度:控制、附加条件、劝说和援助。案例研究表明, 日本和韩国主要采用劝说和援助手段应对缅甸军事政变, 而西方民主推广者则采取了更具强制性的措施, 例如经济制裁和政治附加条件。也就是说, 尽管民主推广者都认同民主推广的规范, 但其具体实施方式却因推广者而异。此外, 本研究还指出, 在缅甸案例中, 民主推广实践的分歧有可能相互补充, 从而提高该国民主保护的可能性。

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引用次数: 0
Naval Diplomacy and Strategic Signaling in a Multiplex Rules-Based Order: Australia, Japan, and India's Engagements With the Philippines 多重规则秩序下的海军外交和战略信号:澳大利亚、日本和印度与菲律宾的接触
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2026-01-29 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70056
Joshua Bernard B. Espeña

Why do states conduct naval diplomacy? While existing literature highlights its diplomatic utility, it often drowns in tautology. To escape the pit, the article asks: why do states conduct naval diplomacy in the 21st-century Indo-Pacific? It argues that naval diplomacy is a signaling act to communicate contributive status in a multiplex maritime order. Using Liberal Realism and Smart Power logic, the article compares Australia, Japan, and India's engagements with the Philippines. It finds that naval diplomacy signals legitimacy and adaptation—not just diplomatic functions. Order Contributors (Australia, Japan, and India) shape the rules-based order on their terms, while Order Stakeholders (Philippines) assert agency to sustain regional public goods. The article challenges binaries like the China–United States Thucydides Trap that beset the Indo-Pacific and reframes the strategic logic of contemporary naval diplomacy.

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引用次数: 0
Unpacking Environmental Assessment Reports: Power, Discourse, and Policy Implications in North Kendeng Mountain, Indonesia 拆解环境评估报告:印尼北肯登山的权力、话语和政策影响
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2026-01-27 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70060
Abdul Kodir

This article examines the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), EIA Addendum, and Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) used to evaluate the Watuputih Groundwater Basin in the designated karst area of North Kendeng Mountain, planned for cement mining. Using discourse analysis of systematic language and text, it compares the narratives and framings within these documents. The analysis reveals a complex relationship between dominant and alternative discourses. The dominant policy discourse, reflected in the EIA and its addendum, is shaped by powerful actors such as cement companies and the Central Java provincial government, who explicitly prioritize economic development. In contrast, the alternative discourse, represented in the SEA, promotes a more sustainable approach to governing the karst landscape. This contrast highlights competing environmental governance paradigms and the political role of environmental assessments. Ultimately, the study shows how key actors influence public perception and policy direction through competing knowledge claims embedded in environmental assessment frameworks.

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引用次数: 0
The Risk of Compressed Modernity, By Kyung-Sup Chang, Cambridge/New Jersey: Polity Books, 2025. $69.95. ISBN: 978-1-5095-6048-6. 《被压缩的现代性的风险》,张景燮著,剑桥/新泽西:Polity Books, 2025。69.95美元。ISBN: 978-1-5095-6048-6。
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2026-01-26 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70062
Matthew Manuelito S. Miranda
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引用次数: 0
Does State-Civil Society Collaboration Offer an Effective Means of Pandemic Response? A Case Study of COVID-19 Response in Bengaluru, India 国家与民间社会的合作是应对流行病的有效手段吗?印度班加罗尔应对COVID-19案例研究
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2026-01-12 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70057
Jonathan Schwartz, Srinivas D. Raju

Does collaboration between the state and civil society offer a powerful tool to achieve an effective pandemic response? We address this question using a case study of the COVID-19 response in Bengaluru, India. We review the collaborative governance literature and analyze India's pandemic-related laws, regulations, reports, and academic studies. We supplement these with interviews with governmental and non-governmental actors involved in the COVID-19 response. We find that, overall, collaborative governance does not succeed in Bengaluru, attributing failure to weak institutionalization, low trust, and poor state-civil society relations. Only in rare situations do we encounter the successful collaboration identified in the literature as key to effective response. Furthermore, given the structure of Indian governance, we suggest that collaborative governance is unlikely to be effective across India. Our results contribute to a broader understanding of why and in what circumstances collaborative governance fails.

国家与民间社会之间的合作是否为实现有效的大流行应对提供了有力工具?我们通过对印度班加罗尔应对COVID-19的案例研究来解决这个问题。我们回顾了协作治理文献,并分析了印度与大流行相关的法律、法规、报告和学术研究。此外,我们还采访了参与COVID-19应对工作的政府和非政府行为体。我们发现,总体而言,协作治理在班加罗尔并未取得成功,原因在于制度化薄弱、信任度低以及国家与公民社会关系不佳。只有在极少数情况下,我们才会遇到文献中确定的成功合作是有效应对的关键。此外,鉴于印度的治理结构,我们认为协作治理不太可能在整个印度有效。我们的结果有助于更广泛地理解协作治理失败的原因以及在什么情况下失败。
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引用次数: 0
Partisan Emotions and Government Trust: Taiwan's COVID-19 Experience 党派情绪与政府信任:台湾新冠疫情经验
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2026-01-12 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70058
Chun-Chieh Wang, Yu-Kang Lee, Hsin-Hao Lin

This study investigates how political partisanship and emotional responses influenced Taiwanese public trust in government during COVID-19. Drawing on crisis management and partisan motivated reasoning theories, we conducted a two-phase survey (N = 2136) examining attitudes toward six significant pandemic events. Political affiliation was the predominant predictor of attitudes toward governmental pandemic responses, with substantial differences between pan-Green and pan-Blue supporters. Education and relative deprivation also emerged as consistent predictors, with higher education corresponding to more critical evaluations. Most notably, negative emotions—particularly anger—significantly moderated the relationship between political affiliation and government trust. Anger demonstrated stronger moderating effects than fear across all models. These findings contradict the “rally-around-the-flag” effect, suggesting Taiwan's pre-existing political cleavages remained salient and were amplified by emotional responses during the pandemic, advancing understanding of differential emotional influences on political attitudes during crises within competitive democratic contexts.

本研究旨在探讨在新冠疫情期间,政治党派关系与情绪反应如何影响台湾民众对政府的信任。利用危机管理和党派动机推理理论,我们进行了一项两阶段调查(N = 2136),调查了人们对六个重大流行病事件的态度。政治派别是对政府流行病应对态度的主要预测因素,泛绿和泛蓝支持者之间存在实质性差异。教育和相对贫困也成为一致的预测因素,高等教育与更重要的评价相对应。最值得注意的是,负面情绪——尤其是愤怒——显著地调节了政治派别和政府信任之间的关系。在所有模型中,愤怒表现出比恐惧更强的调节作用。这些发现与“团结在旗帜周围”效应相矛盾,表明台湾先前存在的政治分歧仍然突出,并在疫情期间被情绪反应放大,从而促进了对竞争民主背景下危机期间情绪对政治态度的不同影响的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Leveraging Political Development for Corruption Reduction in Thailand: Insights From the Republic of Korea 利用政治发展促进泰国减少腐败:来自大韩民国的见解
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2026-01-12 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70059
Yoonmin Kim, Attakrit Patchimnan, Trairat Pokapalakorn, Mana Patchimnan

This research investigates how political institutional development can mitigate corruption in Thailand by drawing lessons from South Korea's reform trajectory. Anchored in the frameworks, the study explains both electoral behavior and the strategic constraints of policy implementation in patronage-based systems. Through comparative analysis, it highlights how Korea's shift toward independent oversight, digital transparency, and coordinated e-governance helped dismantle information monopolies and reduce agency costs. In contrast, Thailand's fragmented political landscape, entrenched monopolistic structures, and informal coalitions continue to undermine accountability. By contextualizing Korea's experiences within Thailand's institutional realities, the study proposes pragmatic, sequenced reforms—ranging from digital democracy to structural adjustments in public sector compensation.

本研究通过借鉴韩国的改革轨迹,探讨泰国的政治制度发展如何缓解腐败。在这些框架的基础上,该研究解释了在以赞助人为基础的制度中,选举行为和政策实施的战略约束。通过比较分析,报告强调了韩国向独立监督、数字透明和协调电子政务的转变如何帮助消除了信息垄断并降低了代理成本。相比之下,泰国支离破碎的政治格局、根深蒂固的垄断结构和非正式的联盟继续削弱问责制。通过将韩国的经验与泰国的制度现实相结合,该研究提出了务实的、有序的改革——从数字民主到公共部门薪酬的结构调整。
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引用次数: 0
“To Walk With Only a Few Friends”: Understanding the Myanmar Military Junta's Negative Neutralism “结伴同行”:解读缅甸军政府的消极中立主义
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70036
Hunter Marston

Following Myanmar's 2021 military coup, the State Administrative Council (SAC) junta reversed a decade of modest political and economic reforms and oversaw a dramatic shift in foreign policy, reverting to a reactive and inward-looking diplomatic stance which this study describes as “negative neutralism.” In doing so, the junta has withdrawn from international organizations such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and United Nations and returned to dependence on its traditional great power patron China to guarantee continued investment and access to defense exports. The junta's pivot to China is puzzling, given the military's long-held suspicion toward Chinese support for ethnic armed groups fighting against Myanmar's armed forces in the north. This study puts forward a Neoclassical Realist framework to analyze the external and domestic drivers of the junta's foreign policy. It argues that the junta has reluctantly resumed asymmetric dependency with Beijing due to political pragmatism and economic necessity. The primary goal of this strategy, which explains both the SAC's discomfort and pragmatism, is regime survival. The study also demonstrates how the SAC has simultaneously hedged against overreliance on China by deepening partnerships with Russia, India, and Thailand.

2021年缅甸发生军事政变后,国家行政委员会(SAC)军政府扭转了十年来温和的政治和经济改革,并监督了外交政策的巨大转变,恢复了被动和内向的外交立场,本研究将其描述为“消极中立主义”。在这样做的过程中,军政府退出了东南亚国家联盟(ASEAN)和联合国等国际组织,并重新依赖其传统的大国赞助人中国,以保证继续投资和获得国防出口。鉴于缅甸军方长期以来一直怀疑中国支持在北部与缅甸武装部队作战的少数民族武装组织,缅甸军政府转向中国令人费解。本研究提出了一个新古典现实主义框架来分析军政府外交政策的外部和国内驱动因素。它认为,出于政治实用主义和经济需要,军政府不情愿地恢复了与北京的不对称依赖。这一战略的主要目标是政权的生存,这也解释了国委会的不安和实用主义。该研究还展示了SAC如何同时通过深化与俄罗斯、印度和泰国的伙伴关系来对冲对中国的过度依赖。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Asian Politics & Policy
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