Asian Politics & Policy最新文献

For decades, the Japanese Ministry of Agriculture has implemented various measures to ensure a stable food supply, considering food security a top priority due to the increasing uncertainty of the global economy. However, the ministry's food security policy has evolved substantially with a disproportionate focus on the domestic production of specific food products. This policy change occurred without being widely recognized by the public, media, or intellectuals. Why has the Agricultural Ministry's policy changed even though its goal has remained the same? By applying both qualitative and quantitative research methods, we investigated the context behind this obscure policy transition. Our findings reveal that, contrary to conventional understanding, this policy shift occurred not so much due to political pressure from the agricultural sector, but mainly because of a change in the definition of a key policy concept (i.e., the food self-sufficiency rate) in the late 1980s.

Traditionally, factions and seniority determined who became President of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and, thus, Japan's Prime Minister. Since the electoral reform of 1994, however, some scholars have argued that the role of factions has declined, and this has led to ongoing debates over the extent to which factions and other factors have helped determine who will become the leader of Japan's LDP. Using data from the 2021 LDP Presidential election, we find that it is not policy but factional affiliations that matter for LDP members in selecting their leader. In addition to this finding, we disaggregate faction and show that the influence of this political institution in LDP Presidential elections varies across different factions. We also find that electorally weaker LDP incumbents are more likely to support a candidate who is more popular among Japanese voters in general.

How do forms of trust influence South Korean views of North Korean arrivals? While a broad literature addresses the institutional and generalized social trust impacting a range of public perceptions, this has not been extended to views on North Korean arrivals. Meanwhile, research on views of arrivals often relies on only one measure for what are likely complex concerns. Through the use of a 2021 Korean Social Integration Survey, we find evidence of institutional and social trust positively influencing overall views of arrivals, with mixed results on the impact on proximal tolerance of arrivals, suggesting that policy efforts to enhance trust as a means to improve integration efforts may fail to produce substantive improvements for arrivals.

Very little research has focused on types of cooperation between different civil society organizations at the domestic level. This article fills this gap by developing the distinction between organization-based and society-based cooperation. Examining Hong Kong's unique political system, the paper highlights both types. The Save Our Country Park Alliance (SOCP) exemplifies organization-centric collaboration, requiring consensus among diverse NGOs, which can hinder decision-making. Conversely, the Save Lantau Alliance (SLA) demonstrates society-centric cooperation with flexible, quick mobilization through core active member organizations and collaboration with pro-democratic groups. Despite the 2020 National Security Law forcing many liberal organizations to disband, the SLA persists in its efforts to preserve Lantau, though it faces increased challenges in an environment hostile to society-based activism. This distinction enhances our understanding of civil society alliances in varying political contexts.

Nepal introduced federalism in 2015 with three levels of government: federal, provincial, and local. The preamble of the constitution mentions that the country's new federal system of government shall address three key perennial political and policy problems: (i) centralized governance structure, (ii) geographically disbalancing developmental approach, and (iii) social injustice leveraged by caste-based social structures and unequal economic opportunities. This research is an attempt to understand the first 5-year tenure of provincial governments (2017–2022) regarding their efforts to attain the aforesaid constitutional aims. Findings indicate that provincial governments operated in ambiguity during their first electoral tenure, resulting in no tangible outcomes. Instead, they generated rather pessimistic public impressions about provincial government structure in Nepal. The research contributes to broadening the insights on intermediary government mechanisms across federal countries, with empirical evidence from Nepal.

What might the foreign policy of a potential Trump presidency or that of a Harris presidency look like, and what could their respective implications for the Indo-Pacific be? The likelihood that Trump will revive his “America First” doctrine, including his trade war with China, suggests that the region may be in for another bumpy ride from a “Trump 2.0.” A Harris presidency will likely continue Biden's policy in engaging deeply (but selectively) with the Indo-Pacific, while “de-risking” America from China and resisting Chinese efforts to delimit the global commons and deny others access to it. Whether led by Trump or Harris, it is likely that the United States will proactively take on China but in slightly different ways. In either instance, Southeast Asia stands to benefit if the Association of Southeast Asian Nations countries play their cards right, but it will be in terms of their perceived usefulness to America's effort to counter China.