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North Korea's nuclear gambit: Coercion, deterrence, and the escalation-de-escalation paradox
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-01-19 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70006
Edward Kwon

North Korea's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) development and recent nuclear law permitting preemptive nuclear use have jeopardized US and ROK security. Analyzing possible channels of Pyongyang's nuclear brinkmanship and military provocations through international relations theories—including nuclear coercive diplomacy and the nuclear stability-instability paradox—and the “escalation to de-escalation” military strategy reveals concerning trends. Pyongyang continues to develop new WMDs and conduct military drills involving tactical nuclear weapons, enhancing Kim Jong Un's adventurous brinkmanship. In response, the United States must adopt a strong nuclear retaliation strategy, expedite its nuclear triad modernization plan, and support an effective South Korean missile defense system. A military contingency plan, and diplomatic efforts to persuade Kim to abandon WMDs are crucial. The United States must take a firm stance against nuclear threats from North Korea, ensuring a robust defense and encouraging denuclearization. This multifaceted approach will help address the security challenges posed by North Korea's nuclear program.

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引用次数: 0
Use of drones in Indo-Pak cross border terrorism: Challenges, regulations and evolving responses
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-01-12 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70003
Ankit Kumar, Arun Vishwanathan

The proliferation of drones to states and non-state actors has created newer challenges for national security & border management. Globally, drones are being used by security forces as force multipliers in military operations, while non-state actors are employing drones for carrying out terror strikes, smuggling arms, narcotics, and by citizen journalists and other groups for disseminating information on government crackdown on public protests. The paper traces the increasing usage of drones in India, especially since 2019, while also analyzing the multifarious challenges faced by Indian security forces and law enforcement agencies from the use of drones by non-state actors. It analyses the rules and regulations that have been put in place in India to manage the spread of UAS/drones in the country while not stifling the domestic manufacturing. Finally, the paper explores the possible systems that have been explored by India and other countries to counter UAS/drones and the challenges posed in effectively countering drones in border regions.

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引用次数: 0
Digital disparities in Myanmar: A case study for sustainable digitalization
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-01-03 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70002
Myo Thida, Khine Zar Thwe, Thiha Ko Ko, Han Thuya, Hnin Ei Ei Naing, Hnin Oo Wai Hlaing

This study explores the digital disparities in Myanmar, particularly in the Education Sector, and the challenges the country faces in achieving sustainable digitalization. Employing both quantitative and qualitative research methods, including surveys and interviews, the researchers collected data from online learner students across various regions in Myanmar to assess the digital skills gap and access to online education. The findings reveal significant digital divides exacerbated by the 2021 political crisis, with issues such as unstable internet access, frequent power outages, and financial constraints impeding progress. These challenges disproportionately affect rural and conflict-prone areas. Despite efforts toward digitization, many students lack access to essential digital resources, further widening the digital gap. The study concludes that strategic interventions are necessary to address these disparities in Myanmar's digital future.

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引用次数: 0
Articulating populism in the Philippines: The rhetorical strategies of Joseph Estrada and Rodrigo Duterte
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-01-03 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70001
Fernan Talamayan

The article compares the rhetorical strategies of two of the most popular post-martial law presidents in the Philippines, Joseph Estrada (1998–2001) and Rodrigo Duterte (2016–2022). Adopting Laclau's definition of populism and localizing De Cleen and Stavrakakis's analysis of socio-spatial dichotomies, I examine the political logic that guided the consolidation of the people and the formation of antagonistic frontiers during the Estrada and Duterte presidencies. I identify the nodal points in their articulation of sympathy, compassion, elite opposition, political will, and belongingness, and plot them on a down/up and in/out axes. In uncovering the operation of populist logic in their political speeches, the article finds that leveraging people's frustrations and unsatisfied demands reinforced Estrada's and Duterte's ability to mobilize support and project themselves as the people's protector and champion. Through an in-depth interrogation of their populist articulation, the article contributes to a more nuanced understanding of populism's durability and enduring appeal.

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引用次数: 0
Indian mainstream media perception of the 2024 Sri Lankan presidential elections
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-01-03 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70004
Abhijit Anand
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引用次数: 0
Taiwan's digital divide during the COVID-19 pandemic and its implications for e-public services
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-01-03 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70005
Carol Chiao-Han Chang, Natalie W. M. Wong

With the outbreak of COVID-19, many elderly people have experienced unfavorable difficulties accompanying e-public services during the epidemic. This study takes Village (Li) A in Xinyi District, Taipei City, as a case study, using in-depth interviews to understand the experiences of e-public services usage among residents aged 60 years and above, as well as local chief of village (Li Chang) and council members. In conclusion, street-level bureaucrats proactively take on the role of “information agents” for elderly adults, assisting in listening to their real needs and facilitating the matching of them with the services they need. It points out that even though Taiwanese society is moving toward an aging and digital future, with many public services transitioning to digital forms, the abilities of street-level bureaucrats in terms of “responsive listening” and “situational adaptation,” especially for elderly people, remain crucial and cannot be replaced by AI and information systems.

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引用次数: 0
Comparing Indian and Western media reports on the “BRICS Summit 2024 and India's Participation”
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-01-03 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.70000
Simant Shankar Bharti, Sandhya Nepal
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引用次数: 0
Same goal, different measures: Obscure transformation in Japan's food security policy (1970–2020) 同样的目标,不同的措施:日本粮食安全政策的模糊转变(1970-2020 年)
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-27 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.12761
Hironori Sasada, Takayuki Ito

For decades, the Japanese Ministry of Agriculture has implemented various measures to ensure a stable food supply, considering food security a top priority due to the increasing uncertainty of the global economy. However, the ministry's food security policy has evolved substantially with a disproportionate focus on the domestic production of specific food products. This policy change occurred without being widely recognized by the public, media, or intellectuals. Why has the Agricultural Ministry's policy changed even though its goal has remained the same? By applying both qualitative and quantitative research methods, we investigated the context behind this obscure policy transition. Our findings reveal that, contrary to conventional understanding, this policy shift occurred not so much due to political pressure from the agricultural sector, but mainly because of a change in the definition of a key policy concept (i.e., the food self-sufficiency rate) in the late 1980s.

几十年来,由于全球经济的不确定性不断增加,日本农业部一直在实施各种措施,以确保稳定的粮食供应,并将粮食安全视为重中之重。然而,农业省的粮食安全政策发生了重大变化,过度关注特定食品的国内生产。这一政策变化并未得到公众、媒体或知识分子的广泛认可。为什么农业部的政策在目标不变的情况下发生了变化?通过运用定性和定量研究方法,我们调查了这一不明显的政策转变背后的背景。我们的研究结果表明,与传统的理解不同,这一政策转变的发生与其说是由于来自农业部门的政治压力,不如说主要是由于 20 世纪 80 年代末一个关键政策概念(即粮食自给率)的定义发生了变化。
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引用次数: 0
The year of democracy's consequential elections 民主选举年
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-23 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.12768
Aries A. Arugay
<p>2024 will be remembered as the year where a considerable number of democratically-governed countries undertook elections.</p><p>The simultaneous occurrence of these elections could be coincidental, but they are a referendum on political leaders and parties seeking re-election and a fresh electoral mandate. These elections could also be seen as a global referendum on democracy as a system of government itself. Many of the governments that are either seeking reelection or to get to power for the first time find themselves at opposite ends of the democratic spectrum: either they are the eroding agents of democracy or mavericks seeking to depose leaders who have damaged the democratic fabric of their societies. Thus far, critical elections were already held in South Africa, Mexico, Venezuela, and the United Kingdom. In Asia, new governments have been formed in India, Indonesia, and Taiwan. Japan and the United States (US) will hold their elections.</p><p>The recently concluded elections in India and Indonesia have massive repercussions in the fates of two of the world's biggest democracies. In India, Narendra Modi's party still secured a majority mandate but it fell short of its expected dominance of the parliamentary elections. This means that Modi's popular mandate shrank and could indicate an opening for the political opposition in the years to come. In a previous issue, the article of Sharma and Dubey (<span>2021</span>) studied Modi's populist rhetoric and how his monthly radio addresses used specific language that resulted in an effective communication strategy that emphasized direction giving, empathetic, and meaning-making language. It is expected that Modi will continue to utilize this strategy as he continues to lead India dynamic growth and expansion in the years to come.</p><p>In Indonesia, the 2024 presidential elections were seen as a significant turnover of power from the decade-long leadership of outgoing president Joko “Jokowi” Widodo. Under this leadership, Indonesia grew in global prominence with its aggressive economic growth and improvement in reputation as it became a member of the highly exclusive G20. But instead of staying in power like the other members of his populist cohort, Jokowi allowed political succession through democratic means with former general Prabowo Subianto winning the presidential election in an overwhelming fashion. However, Jokowi allowed his son, Gibran Rakabuming, to be Prabowo's running mate. He will be sworn in as the youngest vice-president in the country's history. Vermonte (<span>2015</span>) published an analysis of the 2014 Indonesian presidential elections that secured Jokowi's first term against his opponent Prabowo. He was optimistic that the 2014 elections would usher a new era of economic prosperity but also democratic deepening. It seems like Jokowi was able to deliver more of the former than the letter as he steps down this month.</p><p>Another big democracy is having perhaps its most co
这些选举的同时举行可能是巧合,但它们是对寻求连任和新的选举授权的政治领导人和政党的全民公决。这些选举也可被视为对民主作为一种政府制度本身的全球公投。许多寻求连任或首次掌权的政府都处于民主光谱的两端:要么是民主的侵蚀者,要么是寻求罢黜破坏其社会民主结构的领导人的特立独行者。迄今为止,南非、墨西哥、委内瑞拉和英国已经举行了重要选举。在亚洲,印度、印度尼西亚和台湾已组建了新政府。最近结束的印度和印度尼西亚选举对世界上最大的两个民主国家的命运产生了巨大影响。在印度,纳伦德拉-莫迪(Narendra Modi)领导的政党仍然获得了多数授权,但没有达到预期的议会选举主导地位。这意味着莫迪的民意授权缩水,可能预示着政治反对派将在未来几年打开局面。在上一期中,夏尔马和杜比(2021 年)的文章研究了莫迪的民粹主义言论,以及他的每月广播讲话如何使用特定语言,从而形成一种有效的传播策略,即强调方向性、移情性和意义性的语言。在印度尼西亚,2024 年的总统选举被视为即将卸任的总统佐科-维多多(Joko "Jokowi" Widodo)十年领导权的重要交接。在他的领导下,印尼经济积极增长,声誉不断提高,成为极具排他性的二十国集团(G20)成员之一,在全球日益瞩目。但是,佐科威并没有像其他民粹主义成员一样继续掌权,而是通过民主手段让前将军普拉博沃-苏比安托(Prabowo Subianto)以压倒性优势赢得了总统选举,从而实现了政治继任。不过,佐科维允许自己的儿子吉卜兰-拉卡布明(Gibran Rakabuming)成为普拉博沃的竞选伙伴。他将作为该国历史上最年轻的副总统宣誓就职。维蒙特(Vermonte)(2015 年)发表了一篇关于 2014 年印尼总统选举的分析文章,这次选举确保了佐科威战胜对手普拉博沃获得第一个任期。他乐观地认为,2014 年的选举将开创一个经济繁荣、民主深化的新时代。另一个民主大国正在举行也许是迄今为止影响最大的选举,这不仅关系到其国内政治,而且对亚洲乃至整个世界都有深远影响。下月举行的美国总统大选无疑将决定世界上历史最悠久的民主国家之一的前景。专家们认为,唐纳德-特朗普(Donald Trump)和卡马拉-哈里斯(Kamala Harris)这两位候选人在思想、观点和对美国的愿景方面各有千秋,是一场竞争激烈的选举。本期APP有幸刊登著名学者Tan(2024)的分析文章,他分享了美国大选对印度洋-太平洋地区的影响。他认为这次领导层更替对该地区国家来说是一个关键点,是重新与美国接触或保持当前深厚关系的机会,但他也提醒说,无论特朗普或哈里斯是否会担任总统,美国与他们的接触将主要从对抗中国在印太地区的影响力的角度来看待。我们诚邀读者阅读本期的其他文章,包括对日本政党选举、香港公民社会联盟建设、朝韩关系、尼泊尔地方治理和日本粮食安全政策的分析。2025 我们感谢学术界一如既往的支持。 2024年将被铭记为相当多民主国家举行选举的一年。这些选举的同时举行可能是巧合,但它们是一次针对 "寻求连任和新选举授权的政治领导人和政党 "的全民公投。这些选举也可以看作是对民主作为一种政府制度本身的全球公投。许多寻求连任或首次掌权的政府发现自身处于民主光谱的两端:它们要么是民主的侵蚀者,要么是试图罢免 "破坏其社会民主结构的领导人 "的特立独行者。到目前为止,南非、墨西哥、委内瑞拉和英国已经举行了关键的选举。在亚洲,印度、印度尼西亚和台湾已经成立了新政府。日本和美国将举行选举。印度和印度尼西亚最近结束的选举对世界上两个最大民主国家的命运产生了深远影响。在印度,纳伦德拉-莫迪的政党仍然获得了多数席位,但未能达到其对议会选举的预期主导地位。这意味着莫迪的民意支持率缩减,并可能预示着未来几年政治反对派将迎来机会。在本刊曾经发表的一期内容中,Sharma和Dubey(2021)的文章研究了莫迪的民粹主义言论,以及他每月的广播讲话如何使用特定语言,以及他每月的广播讲话如何使用特定语言,从而形成了一种有效的传播策略,从而形成了一种有效的传播策略,后者强调了指引方向、富有同理参见Seng(2024)撰写的分析文章,他分享了美国大选对印度太平洋地区的影响。 他认为,这一领导层更替是该地区国家的关键点,是一个重新与美国接触或维持当前深厚关系的机会,但需要注意的是,无论是特朗普还是哈里斯担任总统,美国与这些国家的接触都将主要从 "对抗中国在印太地区影响力 "的角度来看待。我们也邀请读者阅读本期的其他文章,包括对日本政党选举的分析、香港公民社会联盟建设、朝韩关系、尼泊尔的地方治理、以及日本的粮食安全政策。 由于这是我们2024年的最后一期,APP仍致力于展示亚洲政治和公共政策领域的前沿学术研究。2024 年将成为相当多民主治理国家举行选举的一年。同时举行这些选举可能只是一个巧合,但这是对寻求连任和新的选举授权的政治领导人和政党的一次全民公决。这些选举也可被视为对民主作为一种政府制度本身的全球公投。许多寻求连任或首次掌权的政府处于民主光谱的两端:他们要么是民主侵蚀的推动者,要么是寻求罢黜破坏其社会民主结构的领导人的持不同政见者。迄今为止,南非、墨西哥、委内瑞拉和英国都举行了重要选举。在亚洲,印度、印度尼西亚和台湾都成立了新政府。刚刚结束的印度和印度尼西亚选举对世界上最大的两个民主国家的命运产生了巨大影响。在印度,纳伦德拉-莫迪(Narendra Modi)领导的政党赢得了多数授权,但在议会选举中没有达到预期的主导地位。这意味着莫迪的民意支持率有所下降,可能预示着未来几年政治反对派的机会。在上一期中,Sharma 和 Dubey(2021 年)的文章研究了莫迪的民粹主义言论,以及他每月的广播讲话如何使用特定语言,从而形成一种强调针对性、移情和意义表达的有效传播策略。在印度尼西亚,继即将卸任的总统佐科-维多多(Joko "Jokowi" Widodo)长达十年的领导之后,2024 年的总统选举被视为一次重大的权力转移。在他的领导下,印尼取得了积极的经济增长,并通过成为极具排他性的二十国集团(G20)成员而声名鹊起。但是,佐科威并没有像其民粹主义阵营的其他成员一样继续掌权,而是允许通过民主手段进行政治接班,前将军普拉博沃-苏比安托(Prabowo Subianto)以压倒性优势赢得了总统选举。不过,佐科维允许自己的儿子吉卜兰-拉卡布明(Gibran Rakabuming)成为普拉博沃的竞选伙伴。他将作为该国历史上最年轻的副总统宣誓就职。Vermonte 发表了一篇关于 2014 年印尼总统选举的分析文章,这次选举确保了佐科威战胜对手普拉博沃,获得首个任期。他乐观地认为,2014 年的选举将开创一个经济繁荣、民主深化的新时代。另一个主要民主国家正在举行也许是迄今为止最重要的选举,这不仅关系到其国内政治,而且对亚洲乃至整个世界都会产生深远影响。下个月的美国总统选举将最终决定世界上最古老的民主国家之一的前景。专家们认为这是唐纳德-特朗普和卡马拉-哈里斯之间竞争激烈的选举,这两位候选人在思想、观点和对美国的愿景方面截然不同。
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引用次数: 0
The multiple patterns of factional influence: Evidence from the 2021 LDP presidential election 派系影响力的多重模式:2021 年自民党总裁选举的证据
IF 1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-10-21 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.12765
Masahiko Asano, Dennis Patterson

Traditionally, factions and seniority determined who became President of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and, thus, Japan's Prime Minister. Since the electoral reform of 1994, however, some scholars have argued that the role of factions has declined, and this has led to ongoing debates over the extent to which factions and other factors have helped determine who will become the leader of Japan's LDP. Using data from the 2021 LDP Presidential election, we find that it is not policy but factional affiliations that matter for LDP members in selecting their leader. In addition to this finding, we disaggregate faction and show that the influence of this political institution in LDP Presidential elections varies across different factions. We also find that electorally weaker LDP incumbents are more likely to support a candidate who is more popular among Japanese voters in general.

传统上,派系和资历决定了谁能成为自民党总裁,进而成为日本首相。然而,自 1994 年选举改革以来,一些学者认为派系的作用已经下降,这就导致了关于派系和其他因素在多大程度上帮助决定谁将成为日本自民党领袖的争论。利用 2021 年自民党总裁选举的数据,我们发现,自民党成员在选择其领导人时,重要的不是政策,而是派系关系。除这一发现外,我们还对派别进行了分类,结果表明这一政治机构在自民党总裁选举中的影响力因派别而异。我们还发现,选情较弱的自民党现任者更有可能支持更受日本选民欢迎的候选人。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Asian Politics & Policy
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