特征映射与主位突出:古英语语篇中的自指示代词与代词

IF 0.5 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI:10.1515/psicl-2021-0021
Rafał Jurczyk
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引用次数: 0

摘要

古英语的自我指示代词(通常追踪不太突出的指代物)和人称代词(通常继续之前的话题)经常被认为具有共同的代词属性(例如Breban 2012;爱普斯坦2011;van Gelderen 2013, 2011;Kiparsky 2002;豪1996)。这一假设成立,尽管它们的非重叠分布仍然是一个谜(参见van Gelderen 2013;Los and van Kemenade 2018)。在本文中,我们认为这种分布差异源于两种形式之间缺乏句法和形式亲和力。自指示词要么是依赖的(引入完整的dp),要么是独立的(通常标记为“代词”),但仍然是相同词汇项的实例。作为d类,它们必然会允许它们的NP补语,而不管它们是词性的还是空的,从而与它们的名义先行词建立紧密的形式和语义关系。在这样做的过程中,它们依赖于它们的性别和大小写特征的工作,这两个特征携带语义导入并映射到语义模块中特定的引用[+ref/spec]属性。代词是格和/或格特征的集合,缺乏自指示代词的复杂句法结构。它们与名义先行词的形式和语义关系因此不那么密切,由于可解释的人与数特征而保持不变。
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Between feature mapping and thematic prominence: Old english se-demonstratives and pronouns in discourse
Abstract Old English se-demonstratives (which usually trace less salient referents) and personal pronouns (usually continuing previous topics) have frequently been taken to share a common pronominal property (e.g. Breban 2012; Epstein 2011; van Gelderen 2013, 2011; Kiparsky 2002; Howe 1996). This assumption holds despite their non-overlapping distribution which still remains a puzzle (cf. van Gelderen 2013; Los and van Kemenade 2018). In this paper, we argue that this distributional discrepancy stems from the lack of syntactic and formal affinities between the two forms. Se-demonstratives are either dependent (introducing full DPs) or independent (usually labeled as “pronominal”), but still instances of the same lexical item. As a D-category, they necessarily license their NP complements regardless of their being lexical or empty, thereby entering into tight formal and semantic relations with their nominal antecedents. In doing so, they rely on the working of their gender- and case-features, the two carrying semantic import and mapping onto the specific reference [+ref/spec]-property in the semantic module(s). Being bundles of case- and/or φ-features, pronominals lack the complex syntactic structure of se-demonstratives. Their formal and semantic relations with nominal antecedents are thus less intimate, holding due to interpretable person- and number-features.
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