2020年总统竞选辩论:辩论学术和总统辩论的未来

IF 0.5 Q4 COMMUNICATION Argumentation and Advocacy Pub Date : 2021-08-06 DOI:10.1080/10511431.2021.1963526
M. McKinney
{"title":"2020年总统竞选辩论:辩论学术和总统辩论的未来","authors":"M. McKinney","doi":"10.1080/10511431.2021.1963526","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Four years ago, the Argumentation and Advocacy special issue of presidential debate scholarship was introduced by noting the “unconventional, unpredictable, unprecedented, and on many occasions rather ‘unpresidential’ presidential contest.” The studies contained in that issue went on to explore a “rather topsy-turvy election cycle [and] presidential campaign debates, with both primary and general-election debates serv[ing] as important campaign communication moments” (McKinney 2018, p. 72). Little did we know as we evaluated the debates of 2016 that what would occur in 2020 would set new records—on several measures new lows—for presidential debating, with a “topsy-turvy” debate cycle followed by one best characterized by outright tumult and disorder that overturned historic precedent and, potentially, has now established disturbing examples for the practice of future presidential debates. A common thread that runs throughout several of the studies contained in the current special issue of debate scholarship highlights the deficiencies with presidential candidates’ debate dialogue and argumentation, with these analyses often concluding the electorate is ill-served by current practices in presidential debating, particularly with our general-election debates. Important questions are raised by a number of these studies as to the future of our presidential debates, including how they should be structured, how journalists and debate moderators can best facilitate candidate debate, and suggestions for the type of candidate debate dialogue that will produce a more informed voter. Certainly, the stress of holding a national election in the midst of a global pandemic posed great challenges for many aspects of our electoral process in 2020, including our presidential debates. Yet, as the empirical analyses found in several of the studies in this special issue reveal, it was actually the incumbent president, Donald J. Trump, who posed perhaps the greatest threat to the institution of presidential debates. In keeping with his usual strategy of seeking to circumvent, control or even destroy those entities that present rules he must follow or would in any way limit his power and ability to exert his will, such as his frequent attacks on the judiciary (Rosen 2017), the legislative branch (Wehle 2020), or the press (Cobus 2020), Donald Trump also “declared war” on the Commission on Presidential Debates","PeriodicalId":29934,"journal":{"name":"Argumentation and Advocacy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5000,"publicationDate":"2021-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Presidential campaign debates in the 2020 elections: debate scholarship and the future of presidential debates\",\"authors\":\"M. McKinney\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/10511431.2021.1963526\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Four years ago, the Argumentation and Advocacy special issue of presidential debate scholarship was introduced by noting the “unconventional, unpredictable, unprecedented, and on many occasions rather ‘unpresidential’ presidential contest.” The studies contained in that issue went on to explore a “rather topsy-turvy election cycle [and] presidential campaign debates, with both primary and general-election debates serv[ing] as important campaign communication moments” (McKinney 2018, p. 72). Little did we know as we evaluated the debates of 2016 that what would occur in 2020 would set new records—on several measures new lows—for presidential debating, with a “topsy-turvy” debate cycle followed by one best characterized by outright tumult and disorder that overturned historic precedent and, potentially, has now established disturbing examples for the practice of future presidential debates. A common thread that runs throughout several of the studies contained in the current special issue of debate scholarship highlights the deficiencies with presidential candidates’ debate dialogue and argumentation, with these analyses often concluding the electorate is ill-served by current practices in presidential debating, particularly with our general-election debates. Important questions are raised by a number of these studies as to the future of our presidential debates, including how they should be structured, how journalists and debate moderators can best facilitate candidate debate, and suggestions for the type of candidate debate dialogue that will produce a more informed voter. Certainly, the stress of holding a national election in the midst of a global pandemic posed great challenges for many aspects of our electoral process in 2020, including our presidential debates. Yet, as the empirical analyses found in several of the studies in this special issue reveal, it was actually the incumbent president, Donald J. Trump, who posed perhaps the greatest threat to the institution of presidential debates. In keeping with his usual strategy of seeking to circumvent, control or even destroy those entities that present rules he must follow or would in any way limit his power and ability to exert his will, such as his frequent attacks on the judiciary (Rosen 2017), the legislative branch (Wehle 2020), or the press (Cobus 2020), Donald Trump also “declared war” on the Commission on Presidential Debates\",\"PeriodicalId\":29934,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Argumentation and Advocacy\",\"volume\":null,\"pages\":null},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.5000,\"publicationDate\":\"2021-08-06\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"1\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Argumentation and Advocacy\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1080/10511431.2021.1963526\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"Q4\",\"JCRName\":\"COMMUNICATION\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Argumentation and Advocacy","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10511431.2021.1963526","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q4","JCRName":"COMMUNICATION","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1

摘要

四年前,总统辩论奖学金的《论证与倡导》特刊推出时指出,这是一场“非常规的、不可预测的、前所未有的、在许多场合甚至‘非总统’的总统竞选”。该问题中的研究继续探讨了“相当混乱的选举周期[和]总统竞选辩论,初选和大选辩论都是重要的竞选沟通时刻”(McKinney 2018,第72页)。当我们评估2016年的辩论时,我们几乎不知道,2020年将会发生的事情将创下总统辩论的新纪录——从几个方面来看都是新低——一个“颠倒”的辩论周期之后,一个最具特征的是彻底的骚动和混乱,推翻了历史先例,并可能为未来的总统辩论实践树立了令人不安的榜样。在当前的辩论学术特刊中,有几项研究都强调了总统候选人辩论对话和辩论的不足之处,这些分析往往得出结论,认为当前的总统辩论实践,尤其是大选辩论,对选民没有好处。这些研究提出了许多关于总统辩论未来的重要问题,包括辩论应该如何组织,记者和辩论主持人如何最好地促进候选人辩论,以及对候选人辩论对话类型的建议,这将产生一个更知情的选民。当然,在全球大流行病期间举行全国选举的压力对我们2020年选举进程的许多方面构成了巨大挑战,包括我们的总统辩论。然而,正如本期特刊的几项研究中发现的实证分析所揭示的那样,对总统辩论制度构成最大威胁的,实际上是现任总统唐纳德·j·特朗普(Donald J. Trump)。为了保持他一贯的策略,即寻求规避、控制甚至摧毁那些提出他必须遵守的规则的实体,或者以任何方式限制他行使自己意志的权力和能力,比如他频繁攻击司法机构(Rosen 2017)、立法部门(Wehle 2020)或新闻界(Cobus 2020),唐纳德·特朗普还向总统辩论委员会“宣战”
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
查看原文
分享 分享
微信好友 朋友圈 QQ好友 复制链接
本刊更多论文
Presidential campaign debates in the 2020 elections: debate scholarship and the future of presidential debates
Four years ago, the Argumentation and Advocacy special issue of presidential debate scholarship was introduced by noting the “unconventional, unpredictable, unprecedented, and on many occasions rather ‘unpresidential’ presidential contest.” The studies contained in that issue went on to explore a “rather topsy-turvy election cycle [and] presidential campaign debates, with both primary and general-election debates serv[ing] as important campaign communication moments” (McKinney 2018, p. 72). Little did we know as we evaluated the debates of 2016 that what would occur in 2020 would set new records—on several measures new lows—for presidential debating, with a “topsy-turvy” debate cycle followed by one best characterized by outright tumult and disorder that overturned historic precedent and, potentially, has now established disturbing examples for the practice of future presidential debates. A common thread that runs throughout several of the studies contained in the current special issue of debate scholarship highlights the deficiencies with presidential candidates’ debate dialogue and argumentation, with these analyses often concluding the electorate is ill-served by current practices in presidential debating, particularly with our general-election debates. Important questions are raised by a number of these studies as to the future of our presidential debates, including how they should be structured, how journalists and debate moderators can best facilitate candidate debate, and suggestions for the type of candidate debate dialogue that will produce a more informed voter. Certainly, the stress of holding a national election in the midst of a global pandemic posed great challenges for many aspects of our electoral process in 2020, including our presidential debates. Yet, as the empirical analyses found in several of the studies in this special issue reveal, it was actually the incumbent president, Donald J. Trump, who posed perhaps the greatest threat to the institution of presidential debates. In keeping with his usual strategy of seeking to circumvent, control or even destroy those entities that present rules he must follow or would in any way limit his power and ability to exert his will, such as his frequent attacks on the judiciary (Rosen 2017), the legislative branch (Wehle 2020), or the press (Cobus 2020), Donald Trump also “declared war” on the Commission on Presidential Debates
求助全文
通过发布文献求助,成功后即可免费获取论文全文。 去求助
来源期刊
CiteScore
0.70
自引率
0.00%
发文量
19
期刊最新文献
Cicero’s maledicta : the darker side of Cicero’s arguments The impact of normative argument quality variations on claim acceptance: empirical evidence from the US and the UK Can high school competitive debating facilitate political participation? The role of political knowledge and identification with a politically active group Nonverbal communication as argumentation: the case of political television debates The unnerved and unhoused: a rhetorical analysis of save Austin now’s campaign to disband unhoused individuals from Austin, Texas
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
已复制链接
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
×
扫码分享
扫码分享
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1