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Can high school competitive debating facilitate political participation? The role of political knowledge and identification with a politically active group 高中辩论赛能否促进政治参与?政治知识和政治活跃群体认同的作用
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1080/10511431.2023.2294223
Eta Krpanec, Aleksandra Huić
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引用次数: 0
Nonverbal communication as argumentation: the case of political television debates 作为论证的非语言交流:政治电视辩论案例
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-12-15 DOI: 10.1080/10511431.2023.2294236
Jens E. Kjeldsen, Marie Gelang
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引用次数: 0
The unnerved and unhoused: a rhetorical analysis of save Austin now’s campaign to disband unhoused individuals from Austin, Texas 不安和无家可归者:对 "现在就拯救奥斯汀 "解散得克萨斯州奥斯汀市无家可归者运动的修辞分析
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-12-08 DOI: 10.1080/10511431.2023.2275876
Mary Helen Clark
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引用次数: 0
“Where were you shot?”: analyzing location rhetoric as strategic maneuvering in contemporary gun-control discourse “你在哪里中枪的?”:分析当代枪支管制话语中作为战略机动的位置修辞
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1080/10511431.2023.2275903
Christopher M. Duerringer
AbstractThis essay analyzes contemporary American gun rhetoric with particular attention to location. Funded by a pragma-dialectic perspective, I examine conservative and progressive attempts to situate the national discussion about firearms and gun control legislation in urban locations (especially Chicago) and in suburbs (especially schoolhouses), respectively. I demonstrate that these location rhetorics function as strategic maneuvering, enabling both sets of discussants to move the conversation to issue sets that favor them and make their policy preferences seem more reasonable, even as they often prevent the public from responding to the bulk of actual gun violence. To begin, I develop a perspective on public argument based on pragma-dialectic argumentation theory. Next, I attend to conservative rhetoric that publicizes gun violence in large urban population centers, especially Chicago. Then, I turn to liberal gun rhetoric that centers attention on leafy suburbs where mass shootings often occur. In the final portion of this paper, I argue that both strategies disadvantage the public and forestall meaningful improvement on this important issue.Keywords: Strategic maneuveringgun controlgun rightspragma-dialecticsmass shootings Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 This is not an errant suggestion, by the way. Conservative politicians frequently refer to the federal deficit or the national debt as justification for eviscerating programs that serve the public. However, there is substantial evidence from Keynesian and post-Keynesian economists (see Galbraith Citation2010; Kelton Citation2020; Vickrey Citation1998; Wray et al. Citation2023) to suggest that the assumption that deficits or debts are bad is unfounded. When progressives entertain discussions about how they will “pay for” a proposed policy, they unnecessarily begin the discussion at a massive disadvantage.2 Conservatives argue that the Left’s failure to attend to so-called “Black-on-Black” crime is evidence of the Democratic party’s racist neglect of Black people and their concerns. And there is no shortage of examples of the Democratic party failing to live up to its promises to Black people. However, one ought to note that, because of the de facto segregation that characterizes much of the United States, most crime experienced by White folks is “White on White” crime as well. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (Citation2020) found that in 2019 (the last year for which data is available) 78.6% of all White homicide victims were killed by other White people. Moreover, 88% of all male homicide victims were murdered by other men. But such recognition does not serve racist ends and, therefore, finds little purchase in conservative politics. Nobody seems to be clamoring for increased policing in heavily White neighborhoods or in places where men tend to congregate.3 Although mass shootings have been recorded in the United States for mor
摘要本文分析了当代美国的枪支修辞,特别关注地点。在实用辩证法视角的资助下,我研究了保守派和进步派分别在城市(尤其是芝加哥)和郊区(尤其是校舍)对枪支和枪支管制立法进行全国性讨论的尝试。我证明了这些地点修辞作为战略操作的功能,使两组讨论者能够将谈话转移到有利于他们的问题上,并使他们的政策偏好看起来更合理,即使他们经常阻止公众对实际枪支暴力的大部分做出反应。首先,我发展了一个基于语用辩证法论证理论的公共论证视角。接下来,我关注保守派的言论,这些言论宣传了大城市人口中心,尤其是芝加哥的枪支暴力。然后,我转向自由派的枪支言论,把注意力集中在经常发生大规模枪击事件的绿树成荫的郊区。在本文的最后一部分,我认为这两种策略都不利于公众,并阻止了在这一重要问题上的有意义的改进。关键词:战略机动枪支管制枪支权利宣传辩证法大规模枪击事件披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1顺便说一下,这并不是一个错误的建议。保守派政客经常以联邦赤字或国家债务为借口,取消为公众服务的项目。然而,凯恩斯主义和后凯恩斯主义经济学家提供了大量证据(参见Galbraith Citation2010;Kelton Citation2020;维克瑞Citation1998;Wray等人。表明赤字或债务是坏的假设是没有根据的。当进步人士讨论他们将如何为一项拟议的政策“买单”时,他们不必要地以巨大的劣势开始讨论保守派认为,左派未能关注所谓的“黑人对黑人”犯罪,是民主党种族主义忽视黑人及其关切的证据。民主党没有兑现对黑人的承诺的例子也不少。然而,人们应该注意到,由于事实上的种族隔离是美国大部分地区的特征,白人所经历的大多数犯罪也是“白人对白人”犯罪。美国联邦调查局(Citation2020)发现,2019年(有数据可查的最后一年),78.6%的白人凶杀案受害者被其他白人杀害。此外,88%的男性凶杀案受害者是被其他男性谋杀的。但这种承认并不符合种族主义的目的,因此在保守派政治中也找不到什么好处。似乎没有人要求在白人聚居的社区或男性聚集的地方增加警力尽管大规模枪击事件在美国已有一个多世纪的历史,但它们似乎并未被视为全国性问题。1966年,一名25岁的海军陆战队老兵在奥斯汀的德克萨斯大学主楼的塔楼上开枪,造成15人死亡,31人受伤,自上个世纪以来,报纸上再也没有发生过类似的大屠杀。约翰逊总统没有直接向美国公众发表讲话,但他通过新闻秘书发表了一份声明,其中写道:“发生的事情并非没有教训:我们必须紧急推动国会目前悬而未决的立法,以帮助防止错误的人获得枪支”(Troy Citation2018)。在20世纪70年代,大学校园是反战抗议者和反动警察之间血腥摊牌的场所。但这些事件并没有引发有关枪支管制的政治讨论。总的来说,里根总统和乔治·h·w·布什总统在执政期间很少提及大规模枪击事件,也许他们认为这是地方问题,应该由地方官员处理。作者简介:christopher M. Duerringer christopher M. Duerringer是位于长滩的加州州立大学传播研究系的教授。采用后马克思主义的方法,他的研究考察了经济、文化和政治不平等产生和维持的修辞过程。
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引用次数: 0
Effective argumentation for action in health policy: a case study of the UK’s review on antimicrobial resistance 卫生政策行动的有效论证:联合王国对抗菌素耐药性审查的案例研究
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/10511431.2023.2275845
Chris Ackerley
AbstractThis article is a rhetorical analysis of an influential report on antimicrobial resistance in the context of national and global health policymaking. Through a textual-intertextual analysis, it examines how the report’s argumentation structure, grammatical moods, and use of strategic ambiguity direct multiple audiences to debate policy action, without becoming mired in manufactured scientific controversy about the existence or extent of the problem. The report successfully deploys a “beachhead” argumentation strategy by moving swiftly past arguments of scientific fact, definition, and quality, to focus public debate more effectively on matters of procedure. This analysis reveals promising strategies for future reports arguing on behalf of scientific consensus and seeking to stimulate policy action.Keywords: Rhetoric of scienceantimicrobial resistancepublic controversystasis theoryscience communication Disclosure statementThe author reports there are no competing interests to declare.Additional informationFundingFulbright Canada| Recipient: Christine Ackerley; Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada | Recipient: Christine Ackerley.
摘要本文是对一篇在国家和全球卫生政策制定背景下有影响力的抗菌素耐药性报告的修辞分析。通过文本互文分析,它研究了报告的论证结构、语法语气和战略歧义的使用如何引导多个受众讨论政策行动,而不会陷入关于问题存在或程度的人为科学争议的泥潭。该报告成功地部署了一个“滩头堡”的论证策略,迅速超越了对科学事实、定义和质量的争论,将公众辩论更有效地集中在程序问题上。这一分析为未来的报告揭示了有希望的策略,这些报告代表科学共识进行辩论,并寻求刺激政策行动。关键词:科学修辞学;抗菌素耐药性;公众争议;加拿大富布赖特基金会|受助人:Christine Ackerley;加拿大社会科学与人文研究理事会|获奖者:Christine Ackerley。
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引用次数: 0
The distilled enthymeme and visual argument: ideological interpretations after digital editing 提炼的推理推理与视觉论证:数字编辑后的意识形态解读
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1080/10511431.2023.2250100
Rebecca J. Oliver
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引用次数: 0
Dialectics, post-dialectics, and the democratic argument of Lysias XII 辩证法,后辩证法,和吕西亚斯十二的民主论证
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/10511431.2022.2157974
Adam Cody
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting twentieth-century argumentation through debate: The University of Puerto Rico’s 1928 tour of the United States 通过辩论重温二十世纪的论证:波多黎各大学1928年的美国之旅
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10511431.2022.2139087
Carly S. Woods
Abstract Speech and debate have been central in shaping traditions of argumentation in the United States. While much of debate history has focused on individual nation-states, attention to twentieth century intercollegiate debate tours offers one way for argumentation scholars to consider the transgeographic flows of argument exchange. This essay makes the case for thinking about the history of debate across borders. In order to contribute to this special issue’s focus on argumentation in the Americas, I offer the example of the University of Puerto Rico’s 1928 debate tour of the eastern United States, in which student debaters were able to ‘speak back’ to U.S. imperialism through embodied performances that compelled audiences to consider different perspectives on education, language, citizenship, and sovereignty.
演讲和辩论在塑造美国的辩论传统中一直处于中心地位。虽然大部分辩论历史都集中在单个民族国家,但对20世纪校际辩论之旅的关注为辩论学者提供了一种思考辩论交换的跨地理流动的方式。这篇文章提出了思考跨境辩论历史的理由。为了对本期特刊对美洲辩论的关注有所贡献,我提供了波多黎各大学1928年在美国东部的辩论之旅的例子,在这次辩论中,学生辩手能够通过具体的表演来“反击”美帝国主义,迫使观众从不同的角度考虑教育、语言、公民身份和主权。
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引用次数: 0
On the occasion of the first Argumentation Network of the Americas special issue 值此第一期美洲论辩网特刊之际
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10511431.2022.2139085
Katharina Stevens
Abstract In this short commentary, I identify a common theme that argumentation scholars of and from the Americas might have in common - despite the vast heterogeneity of their research interest. I trace the interest in moral and political dimension of argumentation through ANA sponsored events and publication and make the case that this is a welcome development.
在这篇简短的评论中,我确定了一个共同的主题,尽管他们的研究兴趣存在巨大的异质性,但美洲和来自美洲的论证学者可能有一个共同的主题。通过ANA赞助的活动和出版物,我追溯了人们对道德和政治层面争论的兴趣,并提出了这是一个受欢迎的发展。
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引用次数: 0
Americas’ conviction: arguing democracy in the affective episteme 美国的信念:在情感认知中论证民主
Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10511431.2022.2139088
Darrin Hicks, R. W. Greene
ABSTRACT We nominate conviction as a shared research problematic for argumentation scholarship in the Americas. Conviction has long been presumed as a constitutive feature of argumentation theory. Yet, important questions pertaining to the nature of conviction, how convictions are acquired, and conviction’s role in democratic governance have not received sustained attention. Using US President Joseph Biden’s address at the 2022 Summit of the Americas as a touchstone, we identify four distinct modalities of conviction – juridical, propositional, identitarian, and affective – which advocates articulate to advance strategic goals. Given the affective modality has received less attention from argumentation theorists, and the ever-increasing role affect plays in contemporary politics, we focus on explicating the affective modality and how it influences democratic governance and political activism in the Americas.
我们提名信念作为美洲论证学术的共同研究问题。定罪一直被认为是论证理论的一个基本特征。然而,与信念的性质、如何获得信念以及信念在民主治理中的作用有关的重要问题却没有得到持续的关注。以美国总统约瑟夫·拜登在2022年美洲峰会上的讲话为试金石,我们确定了四种不同的信念模式——司法的、命题的、认同的和情感的——倡导通过表达来推进战略目标。鉴于情感模态很少受到论证理论家的关注,而情感在当代政治中扮演着越来越重要的角色,我们将重点阐述情感模态及其如何影响美洲的民主治理和政治行动主义。
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Argumentation and Advocacy
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