断裂:多布斯之后的堕胎法与政治

R. Rebouchė, M. Ziegler
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在多布斯诉杰克逊妇女健康组织案——推翻罗伊诉韦德案——之前,几乎所有人都认为两极分化将继续定义堕胎辩论:一旦各州禁止在胎儿存活前堕胎,一半的国家将将其定为犯罪,而一半的国家则不会。人们的假设是,各州将以与政治信仰相一致的方式禁止或允许堕胎。本文展示了这种叙述在历史和当前政治时刻的局限性。堕胎法和政治的未来是一种断裂。特别是对反堕胎运动来说,曾经的基本优先事项将面临压力,改变州和联邦层面的立法和诉讼策略。我们沿着三条关键的断层线绘制断裂图:胎儿人格的法律承认,堕胎的定义,以及生殖正义的运动。首先,多布斯案的多数意见运用中立的修辞来推进对历史和传统的单一理解,这是由推翻罗伊案的努力所定义的。我们展示了多布斯是如何描绘出一条承认胎儿人格的道路,但却付出了争论的代价,并破坏了多数人所谓的中立性。重要的是,多布斯暴露了反堕胎运动中的分歧,该运动在新的州法律中重新塑造了对胎儿人格的支持,引发了对州内外执法的质疑。其次,多布斯煽动了一场关于堕胎的新斗争,堕胎的支持者和反对者都将争论最近的禁令是否包括生育服务或特定的避孕药具,以及当病人面临医疗紧急情况时,禁令如何适用。与此同时,由于早期堕胎护理的性质已经改变——可以通过邮寄药片在家服用——堕胎将更难监管和制止。第三,也是最后一点,随着对生殖正义的呼吁具有不同的重要性,堕胎权利运动内部的分裂将变得更加明显。Roe案件的结束将围绕更广泛的社会正义问题重新调整诉讼、政策制定和资源分配的优先事项。关于谁可以代表那些被法律忽视的人说话,以及承认这个国家最边缘化的人的基本人性意味着什么,即将到来的时代将由不同的观点来定义。但是,随着这些观点在政治上和实践上的可行性得到检验,我们应该预期,对堕胎的反感和对堕胎的支持将不再那么受党派关系的束缚,而是更多地反映出对堕胎的实际关怀。
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Fracture: Abortion Law and Politics After Dobbs
Before Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization—the case that overturned Roe v. Wade—almost everyone assumed that polarization would continue to define the abortion debate: once states could ban abortion before viability, half the country would criminalize it and half the country would not. The assumption has been that states would prohibit or permit abortion in ways that correspond to political beliefs. This Article demonstrates the limitations of that narrative both as a matter of history and in the current political moment. The future of abortion law and politics is one of fracture. Particularly for the anti-abortion movement, once-foundational priorities will come under pressure, shifting legislative and litigation strategies at the state and federal levels. We map fracture along three critical fault lines: the legal recognition of fetal personhood, the definition of abortion, and the movement for reproductive justice. First, the majority opinion in Dobbs wields the rhetoric of neutrality to advance a singular understanding of history and tradition, defined by efforts to overturn Roe. We show how Dobbs charts a course for recognizing fetal personhood but with the costs of contestation and undermining the majority opinion’s purported neutrality. Significantly, Dobbs has exposed divisions in the anti-abortion movement, which has refashioned its support for fetal personhood in new state laws, raising questions about enforcement inside and outside state borders. Second, Dobbs incited a new struggle over what abortion entails, and both abortion supporters and opponents will contend with whether recent bans include fertility services or specific contraceptives as well as how bans apply when patients face medical emergencies. At the same time, because the nature of early abortion care has changed—available through mailed pills taken at home—abortion will be harder to police and stop. Third and finally, fracture within the abortion-rights movement will become more pronounced as the call for reproductive justice takes on different importance. The end of Roe will realign priorities in litigation, policymaking, and resource allocation around broader issues of social justice. The coming era will be defined by divergent views about who may speak on behalf of those neglected by the law and what it means to recognize the basic humanity of the most marginalized in the country. But as those views are tested for their political and practical feasibility, we should expect abortion antipathy as well as abortion support to be less tethered to party affiliation and more reflective of abortion care on the ground.
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