“新”排他规则之争:从“仍沉浸于1985年”到“虚拟威慑”

Donald A. Dripps
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引用次数: 3

摘要

最高法院的法官们就排他规则划定了新的战线。在Hudson v. Michigan, 547 U.S. 586(2006)一案中,五名大法官以压倒性多数否决了强烈的反对意见,再次对该规则提出了熟悉的批评。就在今年一月,在赫林诉美国案中,129 s.c.。695(2009),法官们再次以5比4的票数投票。这一次,持不同意见的人提出了更高的要求,他们辩称,法院在适用该规则时采用的成本效益方法是错误的。自布伦南法官离开最高法院以来,一些法官首次提出了更广泛的排除理由,包括对司法廉正、司法审查以及对官方行为的长期和间接影响的担忧。这篇文章挑战了哈德逊和赫林的大多数观点,因为它们在规范上是错误的,在经验上也没有得到支持。从规范上讲,罪犯的逃脱是第四修正案的代价,而不是任何执行该修正案的补救措施的代价。排除的唯一合理成本是可能的过度威慑,以谨慎的方式定义:在合法性不确定的一堆案件中阻碍合法行为。然后,文章针对报告不同类型搜查和扣押的命中率的经验证据测试了过度威慑假设。目前的第四修正案救济组合似乎没有过度威慑,实际上似乎对某些类型的低成本违反第四修正案的行为威慑不足。这篇文章还批评了赫林案异议者对排除规则的更为庄严的观点,因为异议者的方法(1)不能解释法律对非法搜查和扣押的无辜受害者的反应;(2)未考虑其他补救措施,包括基于威慑的排除规则;(3)与针对警察侵权行为的善意豁免抗辩相冲突,构成过度威慑的威胁;而且,最根本的是,(4)错误地认为第四修正案权利的性质胜过其他有效的刑法对私人行为的适用,即作为秘密犯罪的权利。最后,本文提出了对现行排除规则实践的改进,即虚拟威慑方法。根据这种方法,在压制证据(或在例外情况下承认有污染的证据)之前,法院应要求说明司法部采取了哪些具体的补救措施,通过培训、纪律或记录保存等方式防止违规行为再次发生。在典型情况下,提案可能不值得额外增加一层程序复杂性。然而,当被指控的罪行特别严重时,或者当政府利用例外来排除法院认定违宪的行为成果时,虚拟威慑可能会增加警察对宪法要求的遵守,并减少罪犯逃脱的机会和歪曲事实和法律以避免此类司法不公的诱惑。政府可以选择拒绝采取补救措施,从而默许压制令,这为防止过度威慑提供了强有力的保障。
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The 'New' Exclusionary Rule Debate: From 'Still Preoccupied with 1985' to 'Virtual Deterrence'
The justices of the Supreme Court have drawn new battle lines over the exclusionary rule. In Hudson v. Michigan, 547 U.S. 586 (2006), a five-justice majority, over a strong dissent, went out of the way to renew familiar criticisms of the rule. Just this January, in Herring v. United States, 129 S.Ct. 695 (2009), the justices again divided five to four. This time the dissenters raised the ante, by arguing that the Court's cost-benefit approach to applying the rule is misguided. For the first time since Justice Brennan left the Court, some of the justices appealed to broader justifications for exclusion, including concerns for judicial integrity, judicial review, and long-run and indirect influences on official behavior. This article challenges the majority positions in Hudson and Herring as both normatively mistaken and empirically unsupported. Normatively, the escape of the guilty is a cost of the Fourth Amendment rather than whatever remedies enforce it. The only legitimate cost of exclusion is possible overdeterrence, defined in careful way: discouraging lawful behavior in a pool of cases in which legality is uncertain. The Article then tests the overdeterrence hypothesis against empirical evidence reporting hit rates for different types of searches and seizures. The current mix of Fourth Amendment remedies does not appear to be overdeterring and indeed appears to underdeter certain types of low-cost Fourth Amendment violations. The article also criticizes the Herring dissent's more majestic view of the exclusionary rule, because the dissent's approach (1) cannot account for the law's response to innocent victims of illegal searches and seizures; (2) fails to account for alternative remedies, including a deterrence-based exclusionary rule; (3) conflicts with the good-faith immunity defense to tort actions against the police, thus threatening overdeterrence; and, most fundamentally, (4) mistakes the nature of Fourth Amendment rights as trumps over the application of otherwise valid criminal laws to private behavior, i.e., as a right to commit crimes in secret. Finally, the article presents a proposed improvement on current exclusionary rule practice, the virtual deterrence approach. Under this approach, before suppressing evidence (or admitting tainted evidence under an exception), the court should demand an account of what specific remedial steps, by way of training, discipline, or record-keeping, the department has taken to prevent recurrence of the violation. In typical cases the proposal may not be worth the additional layer of procedural complexity. When, however, the charged offense is exceptionally serious, or when the government exploits an exception to exclusion for fruits of conduct found unconstitutional by the court, virtual deterrence probably would increase compliance by police with constitutional requirements, and reduce both the chances of the guilty escaping and the temptation to distort fact and law to avoid such miscarriages of justice. The government's option to refuse to undertake remedial measures and thereby acquiesce in a suppression order provides a strong safeguard against overdeterrence.
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