安第斯可卡因工业

E. Miller
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The big profits are made by smuggling the drug into the U.S. and Europe. Estimates are that cocaine hydrochloride costs $1000 per kilogram, with the cost of transportation to the United States market being $3,000, and miscellaneous other costs (handling, bribes in major markets) $500. With a wholesale price estimated at $13,000 per kilogram in the U.S. market, the profit potential is very high. Getting the proceeds back home in legal form is estimated as costing 15% of the total, leaving the gross profit margins from shipping to the U.S. at $6,500 per kilogram, about half of the wholesale proceeds. Interestingly, European prices appear to be much higher at $35,000 per kilogram. With the retail price of cocaine being $120-$151 per gram, the retail price is $121,000-$151,000 per kilogram, about 10 fold higher than the port-of-entry prices. Thus most of the cocaine profits are made in the United States, creating a strong incentive for the Colombian exporters to move operations downstream. In many U.S. cities Colombians have established distribution cells that sell the cocaine in lots of 30 to 100 kilograms at prices of $35,000 to $45,000. These highly profitable operations are run by inmigrants from Columbia with strong ties back home (having relatives whose location is known to the exporter is one way of assuring loyalty). Since it is not known how many of these will eventually return home, it is unclear in national income accounting terms how much of this income should be credited to Columbia. Estimates by Colombian economists of their country's cocaine income differ widely from as low as $170 million to $3.1 billion. One table (p. 24) puts exports by core Colombian organizations (i.e. excluding the small organizations not affiliated with the major Cali or Medellincentered groups) at 250 tons to the U.S., and 80 tons to Europe, with total earnings of $3.71 billion. Due to higher prices in Europe, most of the earnings were actually from Europe. Estimating the major exporters as accounting for 75% of the exports, the total value of exports would be $8 billion. This substantial sum is 90% of the country's merchandise exports (recorded) in 1994, and 380% of the coffee exports (the leading agricultural export). The value-added proportion of this can be estimated at four to five billion dollars, which is equivalent to 8 to 9% percent of Colombia's 1994 GDP. While not discussed in this section, it is likely that much of this income is held abroad (Swiss bank accounts etc.) due to problems in money laundering and in spending the vast per capita incomes earned by the estimated 500 individuals who stand at the apex of the industry. The industry emerged in the 1970's with early traffickers smuggling small amounts in personal luggage. This system was organizationally simple. This small-scale system was replaced by fleets of small airplanes operating from rural airstrips that could carry 400 to 1000 kilograms, and later by large-scale smuggling in cargo containers, ships, etc. These systems required large organizations and sophisticated management One organizational innovation was insurance. …","PeriodicalId":52486,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"1999-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"40","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Andean Cocaine Industry\",\"authors\":\"E. Miller\",\"doi\":\"10.5860/choice.34-2417\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The Andean Cocaine Industry Patrick L. Clawson and Rensselar W. Lee III New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996 Criminal activities are not normally considered as a contributor to national income, yet the cocaine industry in the Andean countries (Peru, Bolivia, and Columbia) are important enough to be a major part of their national economies, as this fascinating book documents. Cocaine exports (cocaine is primarily an export industry) are estimated to be 53% of Peru's exports in 1992. For Bolivia, U.S.AID estimates had put cocaine exports as 90% of the exports in 1988, but \\\"only 23%\\\" by 1992. For an illegal activity, these are high figures. The structure of the industry consists of large numbers of peasants growing the crop in low-lying and jungle areas, and with processing in \\\"laboratories\\\" located in the rural areas. The per capita incomes derived at this stage are low. The big profits are made by smuggling the drug into the U.S. and Europe. Estimates are that cocaine hydrochloride costs $1000 per kilogram, with the cost of transportation to the United States market being $3,000, and miscellaneous other costs (handling, bribes in major markets) $500. With a wholesale price estimated at $13,000 per kilogram in the U.S. market, the profit potential is very high. Getting the proceeds back home in legal form is estimated as costing 15% of the total, leaving the gross profit margins from shipping to the U.S. at $6,500 per kilogram, about half of the wholesale proceeds. Interestingly, European prices appear to be much higher at $35,000 per kilogram. With the retail price of cocaine being $120-$151 per gram, the retail price is $121,000-$151,000 per kilogram, about 10 fold higher than the port-of-entry prices. Thus most of the cocaine profits are made in the United States, creating a strong incentive for the Colombian exporters to move operations downstream. In many U.S. cities Colombians have established distribution cells that sell the cocaine in lots of 30 to 100 kilograms at prices of $35,000 to $45,000. These highly profitable operations are run by inmigrants from Columbia with strong ties back home (having relatives whose location is known to the exporter is one way of assuring loyalty). Since it is not known how many of these will eventually return home, it is unclear in national income accounting terms how much of this income should be credited to Columbia. Estimates by Colombian economists of their country's cocaine income differ widely from as low as $170 million to $3.1 billion. One table (p. 24) puts exports by core Colombian organizations (i.e. excluding the small organizations not affiliated with the major Cali or Medellincentered groups) at 250 tons to the U.S., and 80 tons to Europe, with total earnings of $3.71 billion. Due to higher prices in Europe, most of the earnings were actually from Europe. 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引用次数: 40

摘要

帕特里克L.克劳森和伦斯勒W.李III纽约:圣马丁出版社,1996犯罪活动通常不被认为是国民收入的贡献者,然而可卡因工业在安第斯国家(秘鲁,玻利维亚和哥伦比亚)是重要的,足以成为其国民经济的主要部分,正如这本引人入胜的书所记载的那样。1992年,可卡因出口(可卡因主要是一个出口产业)估计占秘鲁出口的53%。对于玻利维亚,美国国际开发署估计1988年可卡因出口占其出口的90%,但到1992年“只有23%”。对于非法活动来说,这是很高的数字。该产业的结构包括大量农民在低洼和丛林地区种植作物,并在位于农村地区的“实验室”进行加工。这一阶段的人均收入很低。通过将毒品走私到美国和欧洲赚取巨额利润。据估计,每公斤可卡因盐酸盐的价格为1000美元,运往美国市场的运费为3 000美元,其他杂项费用(搬运、在主要市场贿赂)为500美元。美国市场的批发价估计为每公斤1.3万美元,利润潜力非常大。据估计,以合法形式将收益运回国内的成本占总收益的15%,而运往美国的毛利润为每公斤6,500美元,约占批发收益的一半。有趣的是,欧洲的价格似乎要高得多,为每公斤3.5万美元。可卡因的零售价为每克120至151美元,每公斤的零售价为121 000至151 000美元,比入境口岸的价格高出约10倍。因此,大部分可卡因利润都是在美国赚取的,这为哥伦比亚出口商将业务转移到下游创造了强烈的动机。哥伦比亚人在美国许多城市建立了分销中心,以每批30至100公斤的价格出售可卡因,价格为3.5万至4.5万美元。这些高利润的业务是由来自哥伦比亚的移民经营的,他们在家乡有很强的联系(出口商知道亲戚的位置是保证忠诚的一种方式)。由于不知道其中有多少人最终会回国,因此不清楚以国民收入核算方式计算,这些收入中有多少应归哥伦比亚。哥伦比亚经济学家对该国可卡因收入的估计相差很大,低至1.7亿美元,高至31亿美元。其中一张表(第24页)列出了哥伦比亚核心组织(即不包括与主要卡利或麦德林集团无关的小组织)对美国的出口量为250吨,对欧洲的出口量为80吨,总收入为37.1亿美元。由于欧洲的物价较高,大部分收入实际上来自欧洲。估计主要出口商占出口的75%,出口总值将达到80亿美元。这一巨额金额占1994年该国商品出口(有记录)的90%,占咖啡出口(主要的农产品出口)的380%。其中的增值比例估计为40至50亿美元,相当于哥伦比亚1994年国内生产总值的8%至9%。虽然在本节中没有讨论,但由于洗钱和花费大约500名站在行业顶端的个人赚取的巨额人均收入的问题,这些收入中的大部分很可能被存放在国外(瑞士银行账户等)。该行业出现于20世纪70年代,早期的走私者在个人行李中走私少量毒品。这个系统在组织上很简单。这种小规模的系统被从农村机场起飞的小型飞机机队所取代,这些飞机可以运载400到1000公斤,后来又被用集装箱、轮船等进行大规模走私所取代。这些系统需要庞大的组织和复杂的管理,其中一个组织创新就是保险。…
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The Andean Cocaine Industry
The Andean Cocaine Industry Patrick L. Clawson and Rensselar W. Lee III New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996 Criminal activities are not normally considered as a contributor to national income, yet the cocaine industry in the Andean countries (Peru, Bolivia, and Columbia) are important enough to be a major part of their national economies, as this fascinating book documents. Cocaine exports (cocaine is primarily an export industry) are estimated to be 53% of Peru's exports in 1992. For Bolivia, U.S.AID estimates had put cocaine exports as 90% of the exports in 1988, but "only 23%" by 1992. For an illegal activity, these are high figures. The structure of the industry consists of large numbers of peasants growing the crop in low-lying and jungle areas, and with processing in "laboratories" located in the rural areas. The per capita incomes derived at this stage are low. The big profits are made by smuggling the drug into the U.S. and Europe. Estimates are that cocaine hydrochloride costs $1000 per kilogram, with the cost of transportation to the United States market being $3,000, and miscellaneous other costs (handling, bribes in major markets) $500. With a wholesale price estimated at $13,000 per kilogram in the U.S. market, the profit potential is very high. Getting the proceeds back home in legal form is estimated as costing 15% of the total, leaving the gross profit margins from shipping to the U.S. at $6,500 per kilogram, about half of the wholesale proceeds. Interestingly, European prices appear to be much higher at $35,000 per kilogram. With the retail price of cocaine being $120-$151 per gram, the retail price is $121,000-$151,000 per kilogram, about 10 fold higher than the port-of-entry prices. Thus most of the cocaine profits are made in the United States, creating a strong incentive for the Colombian exporters to move operations downstream. In many U.S. cities Colombians have established distribution cells that sell the cocaine in lots of 30 to 100 kilograms at prices of $35,000 to $45,000. These highly profitable operations are run by inmigrants from Columbia with strong ties back home (having relatives whose location is known to the exporter is one way of assuring loyalty). Since it is not known how many of these will eventually return home, it is unclear in national income accounting terms how much of this income should be credited to Columbia. Estimates by Colombian economists of their country's cocaine income differ widely from as low as $170 million to $3.1 billion. One table (p. 24) puts exports by core Colombian organizations (i.e. excluding the small organizations not affiliated with the major Cali or Medellincentered groups) at 250 tons to the U.S., and 80 tons to Europe, with total earnings of $3.71 billion. Due to higher prices in Europe, most of the earnings were actually from Europe. Estimating the major exporters as accounting for 75% of the exports, the total value of exports would be $8 billion. This substantial sum is 90% of the country's merchandise exports (recorded) in 1994, and 380% of the coffee exports (the leading agricultural export). The value-added proportion of this can be estimated at four to five billion dollars, which is equivalent to 8 to 9% percent of Colombia's 1994 GDP. While not discussed in this section, it is likely that much of this income is held abroad (Swiss bank accounts etc.) due to problems in money laundering and in spending the vast per capita incomes earned by the estimated 500 individuals who stand at the apex of the industry. The industry emerged in the 1970's with early traffickers smuggling small amounts in personal luggage. This system was organizationally simple. This small-scale system was replaced by fleets of small airplanes operating from rural airstrips that could carry 400 to 1000 kilograms, and later by large-scale smuggling in cargo containers, ships, etc. These systems required large organizations and sophisticated management One organizational innovation was insurance. …
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Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies
Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
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期刊介绍: The quarterly Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies (ISSN 0193-5941), which has been published regularly since 1976, is a peer-reviewed academic journal devoted to scholarly papers which present in depth information on contemporary issues of primarily international interest. The emphasis is on factual information rather than purely theoretical or historical papers, although it welcomes an historical approach to contemporary situations where this serves to clarify the causal background to present day problems.
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