{"title":"历史解释,宪法公约,和司法权力分立","authors":"C. Bradley, Neil S. Siegel","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2721346","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Scholars have increasingly focused on the relevance of post-Founding historical practice to discern the separation of powers between Congress and the executive branch, and the Supreme Court has recently endorsed the relevance of such practice. Much less attention has been paid, however, to the relevance of historical practice to discerning the separation of powers between the political branches and the federal judiciary—what this Article calls the “judicial separation of powers.” As the Article explains, there are two ways that historical practice might be relevant to the judicial separation of powers. First, such practice might be invoked as an appeal to “historical gloss”—a claim that the practice informs the content of constitutional law. Second, historical practice might be invoked to support non-legal but obligatory norms of proper governmental behavior, something that Commonwealth theorists refer to as “constitutional conventions.” To illustrate how both gloss and conventions enrich our understanding of the judicial separation of powers, the Article considers the authority of Congress to “pack” the Supreme Court, and the authority of Congress to “strip” the Court’s appellate jurisdiction. This Article shows that, although the defeat of Franklin Roosevelt’s Court-packing plan in 1937 has been studied almost exclusively from a political perspective, many criticisms of the plan involved claims about historical gloss; other criticisms involved appeals to constitutional conventions; and still others blurred the line between those two categories or shifted back and forth between them. Strikingly similar themes emerge in debates in Congress in 1957-58, and within the Justice Department in the early 1980s, over the authority of Congress to prevent the Court from deciding constitutional issues by restricting its appellate jurisdiction. The Article also shows, based on internal executive branch documents that have not previously been discovered or discussed in the literature, how Chief Justice John Roberts, while working in the Justice Department and debating Office of Legal Counsel head Theodore Olson, failed to persuade Attorney General William French Smith that Congress has broad authority to strip the Court’s appellate jurisdiction. 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引用次数: 8
摘要
学者们越来越关注建国后历史实践的相关性,以辨别国会和行政部门之间的权力分立,最高法院最近认可了这种实践的相关性。然而,历史实践与区分政治部门和联邦司法机构之间的权力分立的相关性——即本文所称的“司法权力分立”——却很少受到关注。正如文章所解释的那样,历史实践可能有两种方式与司法三权分立相关。首先,这种做法可能会被援引为对“历史解释”的诉求,即这种做法会影响宪法的内容。其次,历史实践可能会被用来支持非法律但必须遵守的政府行为规范,联邦理论家称之为“宪法惯例”。为了说明解释和惯例如何丰富了我们对司法三权分立的理解,该条考虑了国会“包装”最高法院的权力,以及国会“剥夺”最高法院上诉管辖权的权力。本文表明,尽管1937年富兰克林·罗斯福的法院填塞计划的失败几乎完全是从政治角度来研究的,但对该计划的许多批评都涉及对历史粉饰的主张;其他批评包括诉诸宪法公约;还有一些人模糊了这两个类别之间的界限,或者在两者之间来回切换。在1957年至1958年的国会辩论中,以及在20世纪80年代初的司法部内部,都出现了惊人相似的主题,即国会是否有权通过限制最高法院的上诉管辖权来阻止最高法院裁决宪法问题。根据此前未被发现或在文献中讨论过的行政部门内部文件,这篇文章还显示,首席大法官约翰·罗伯茨(John Roberts)在司法部工作期间,与法律顾问办公室负责人西奥多·奥尔森(Theodore Olson)辩论时,未能说服司法部长威廉·弗兰奇·史密斯(William French Smith)相信,国会拥有剥夺最高法院上诉管辖权的广泛权力。然后,文章更广泛地反映了光泽和惯例对司法三权分立的影响。
Historical Gloss, Constitutional Conventions, and the Judicial Separation of Powers
Scholars have increasingly focused on the relevance of post-Founding historical practice to discern the separation of powers between Congress and the executive branch, and the Supreme Court has recently endorsed the relevance of such practice. Much less attention has been paid, however, to the relevance of historical practice to discerning the separation of powers between the political branches and the federal judiciary—what this Article calls the “judicial separation of powers.” As the Article explains, there are two ways that historical practice might be relevant to the judicial separation of powers. First, such practice might be invoked as an appeal to “historical gloss”—a claim that the practice informs the content of constitutional law. Second, historical practice might be invoked to support non-legal but obligatory norms of proper governmental behavior, something that Commonwealth theorists refer to as “constitutional conventions.” To illustrate how both gloss and conventions enrich our understanding of the judicial separation of powers, the Article considers the authority of Congress to “pack” the Supreme Court, and the authority of Congress to “strip” the Court’s appellate jurisdiction. This Article shows that, although the defeat of Franklin Roosevelt’s Court-packing plan in 1937 has been studied almost exclusively from a political perspective, many criticisms of the plan involved claims about historical gloss; other criticisms involved appeals to constitutional conventions; and still others blurred the line between those two categories or shifted back and forth between them. Strikingly similar themes emerge in debates in Congress in 1957-58, and within the Justice Department in the early 1980s, over the authority of Congress to prevent the Court from deciding constitutional issues by restricting its appellate jurisdiction. The Article also shows, based on internal executive branch documents that have not previously been discovered or discussed in the literature, how Chief Justice John Roberts, while working in the Justice Department and debating Office of Legal Counsel head Theodore Olson, failed to persuade Attorney General William French Smith that Congress has broad authority to strip the Court’s appellate jurisdiction. The Article then reflects on the implications of gloss and conventions for the judicial separation of powers more generally.
期刊介绍:
The Georgetown Law Journal is headquartered at Georgetown University Law Center in Washington, D.C. and has since its inception published more than 500 issues, as well as the widely-used Annual Review of Criminal Procedure (ARCP). The Journal is currently, and always has been, run by law students.