势力范围:封闭还是剥离?

R. Pastor
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引用次数: 0

摘要

随着1984年总统大选成为焦点,人们对韩国客机事件的记忆逐渐淡去,里根政府可能会再一次尝试与苏联达成军备控制协议。从政治角度来看,政府处于有利地位。如果里根能表现出他的灵活性,苏联人要么不得不达成协议,这将剥夺民主党人的核问题,要么他们会咆哮并拒绝合作,从而帮助里根证明他的观点,即苏联在军备控制方面不诚实。也因为韩国客机的悲剧,苏联有了一个额外的动机来合作,并重新获得他们在欧洲失去的一些信誉。如果苏联决定合作,美国可能会发现精明的尤里·安德罗波夫(Yuri Andropov)准备达成一笔更大的交易。如果美国停止支持阿富汗叛乱分子,停止鼓励波兰人和其他东欧国家,苏联将会在中美洲消灭他们的狼群。
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Spheres of Influence: Seal Them or Peel Them?
„s the 1984 presidential election comes into focus, and the memory of the Korean airliner recedes, the Reagan administration will probably make one more attempt to reach an arms control agreement with the Soviet Union. From a political perspective, the administration is well positioned. If Reagan can demonstrate his flexibility, the Soviets will either have to make a deal, which will deprive the Democrats of the nuclear issue, or they will bluster and refuse to cooperate, thus helping Reagan to prove his point about Soviet disingenuousness on arms control. Because of the Korean airliner tragedy, too, the Soviets have an additional incentive to be cooperative and regain some of the credibility they lost in Europe. If the Soviets decide to cooperate, the United States may find an astute Yuri Andropov prepared to cut a larger deal. If the United States stops supporting Afghani insurgents and stops encouraging the Poles and other Eastern Europeans, the Soviets will call off their wolves in Central America.
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