简介:以雅典为例

IF 0.2 4区 历史学 0 CLASSICS RAMUS-CRITICAL STUDIES IN GREEK AND ROMAN LITERATURE Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI:10.1017/rmu.2021.3
Johanna Hanink, Demetra Kasimis
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引用次数: 0

摘要

雅典,一遍吗?长期以来,古典主义者一直沮丧地提醒人们,希腊古代远不止“古典雅典”。在公元前5世纪初,雅典只是组成希腊世界的大约850个不同的城邦之一,而著名的雅典民主实验在公元前4世纪结束,距离它开始不到两个世纪。然而,这些古希腊国家中没有一个像雅典那样得到如此丰富的证明,而且正是雅典继续对公众的想象力施加最牢固的控制,尤其是在政治动荡时期。仅去年一年,就有无数关于修昔昔底德对公元前430年瘟疫的描述的思想文章,对柏拉图式的暴政是疯狂民主的产物的不祥的召唤,在弗格森受到索福克勒斯启发的战争剧院的安提戈涅的网络表演,以及在希腊和国外围绕塞莫皮莱和萨拉米斯战役2500周年的一系列纪念活动。但是,尽管雅典一直存在于公众的想象中,但在古典学的学术领域,雅典似乎已经有点过时了。在2017-18年(公布数据的最近一年)向古典研究协会报告的157篇正在进行的论文中,只有十几篇似乎是以古典雅典和文本为中心的——悲剧的、喜剧的、史学的、哲学的、铭文的或其他产生于雅典民主环境的文本在哲学、政治、文学和其他学科的大学课程中,人们继续阅读雅典作品的翻译版本,然而,很难找到适合本科生阅读的希腊文本和评论,而在几个世纪前,这些作品构成了大学教学的核心。(Isocrates的《Panegyricus》和色诺芬(Xenophon)的《Cyropaedia》是雅典“核心”文本的两个例子,今天很难把它们分配给希腊学习者。)与此同时,对雅典的兴趣在古典文学领域有所收缩,这一领域以有益的方式扩张:最近几十年,人们重新定位于文学作品、物质文化和其他地方和时代的历史问题——从希腊化的亚历山大到希腊化的“第二诡辩”世界,甚至更远。当我们审视这一不断变化的学术和政治景观以及公众对雅典的兴趣时,我们想要反思在哪里以及如何政治
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INTRODUCTION: IN TERMS OF ATHENS
Athens, again? Classicists have long issued frustrated reminders that there was a great deal more to Greek antiquity than ‘classical Athens’. At the beginning of the fifth century BCE, Athens was but one of roughly 850 distinct Greek poleis that together constituted the Greek world,1 and the famed Athenian democratic experiment came to an end in the fourth, less than two centuries after it began. And yet none of those ancient Greek states is so richly attested as Athens, and it is Athens that continues to exert the firmest grip on the public imagination, especially during times of political convulsion. The last year alone has seen countless think-pieces on Thucydides’ account of the plague of 430 BCE, ominous invocations of the Platonic notion that tyranny is an outgrowth of democracy run amok, critically acclaimed web-based performances of Theater of War’s Sophocles-inspired Antigone in Ferguson, and a flurry of commemorative events both in Greece and abroad around the 2,500th anniversary of the Battles of Thermopylae and Salamis. But despite its persistent presence in the public imagination, Athens seems to have fallen somewhat out of fashion within the academic field of Classics. Of the 157 dissertations-in-progress reported to the Society for Classical Studies in 2017–18 (the most recent year for which data is published), only a dozen or so appear to have been centered on classical Athens and texts—tragic, comic, historiographical, philosophical, epigraphical, or otherwise—born of the Athenian democratic milieu.2 Athenian works continue to be read in translation in university-level courses on philosophy, politics, literature, and others, and yet it can be difficult to locate Greek texts and commentaries suitable for undergraduates on works that, in earlier centuries, had formed the core of university instruction. (Isocrates’ Panegyricus and Xenophon’s Cyropaedia mark two examples of ‘core’ Athenian texts that are hardly easy to assign to Greek-learners today.) At the same time that interest in Athens has contracted in Classics, the field has expanded in salutary ways: recent decades have seen a reorientation to the literary production, material culture, and historical questions of other places and eras—from Hellenistic Alexandria to the Hellenized world of the ‘Second Sophistic’ and beyond. As we scanned this shifting academic and political landscape with the public’s interest in Athens firmly in view, we wanted to reflect on where and how political
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CONFLICT, TRAGEDY, AND INTERRACIALITY: BOB THOMPSON PAINTS VERGIL'S CAMILLA THE THIRD LIFECYCLE OF PHILOKLEON IN ARISTOPHANES’ WASPS METAGENRE AND THE COMPETENT AUDIENCE OF PLAUTUS’ CAPTIVI ERASING THE AETHIOPIAN IN CICERO'S POST REDITUM IN SENATU RMU volume 51 issue 2 Cover and Back matter
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