{"title":"巴基斯坦寻求泛伊斯兰团结的政治动态:印度维度","authors":"Noor Ahmad Baba","doi":"10.1332/204378921x16692750139997","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Pakistan was sought as a separate state in the name of securing the interests and identity of Muslims within the Indian subcontinent. Its ideological identification with Islam and Muslims was reinforced by the disadvantages that it found itself having on its emergence in August 1947 in relation to its twin-born country, that is, India, in terms of name, size, resources and a history to draw upon. However, initially, its calling out for a degree of solidarity in the name of Islam had relatively limited success in the context of secular nationalist forces dominating the Muslim West Asia throughout the 1950s and first half of the 1960s. It was in the context of significant geopolitical and economic developments from the late 1960s and 1970s in the region that Pakistan was prompted to re-emphasise the Islamic dimension of its foreign policy, particularly within the framework of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation after its emergence in the late 1960s. It began to use its membership of this forum to undermine Indian positions and interests on a number of issues. It was particularly successful in getting its own position on Kashmir endorsed through various resolutions on the issue that were critical of the Indian position and policies in dealing with the political-cum-militant uprising in the state. However, a number of developments from the latter part of the 20th century, particularly after 11 September 2001 (9/11), introduced a number of fissures and irritants into the Arab-Islamic world that undermined the spirit of solidarity that had characterised the work of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation in its initial years of establishment. The changing context has considerably constrained Pakistani options in foreign, regional and domestic policies. Comparatively, in recent years, India has gained greater proximity with some of the oil-rich conservative Gulf Muslim monarchies that exercise a high degree of control in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation because of their financial support for it.","PeriodicalId":37814,"journal":{"name":"Global Discourse","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8000,"publicationDate":"2023-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Political dynamics of Pakistan’s quest for pan-Islamic solidarity: the Indian dimension\",\"authors\":\"Noor Ahmad Baba\",\"doi\":\"10.1332/204378921x16692750139997\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Pakistan was sought as a separate state in the name of securing the interests and identity of Muslims within the Indian subcontinent. 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引用次数: 1
摘要
巴基斯坦以确保穆斯林在印度次大陆的利益和身份的名义被寻求成为一个独立的国家。它在意识形态上对伊斯兰教和穆斯林的认同,由于它在1947年8月出现时发现自己在名称、面积、资源和可利用的历史方面与它的孪生国家印度相比处于不利地位而得到加强。然而,最初,它以伊斯兰的名义呼吁一定程度的团结,在整个20世纪50年代和60年代上半叶统治穆斯林西亚的世俗民族主义力量的背景下,取得了相对有限的成功。正是在20世纪60年代末和70年代该地区重大的地缘政治和经济发展的背景下,巴基斯坦被促使重新强调其外交政策的伊斯兰方面,特别是在20世纪60年代末出现的伊斯兰合作组织框架内。中国开始利用其在该论坛的成员身份,在一些问题上削弱印度的立场和利益。它特别成功地使自己在克什米尔问题上的立场得到通过各种决议的支持,这些决议批评印度在处理该邦政治和军事起义方面的立场和政策。然而,20世纪后半叶的一些发展,特别是2001年9月11日(9/11)之后,给阿拉伯-伊斯兰世界带来了一些裂痕和刺激因素,破坏了伊斯兰合作组织在成立之初所特有的团结精神。不断变化的形势大大限制了巴基斯坦在外交、区域和国内政策方面的选择。相比之下,近年来,印度与一些石油资源丰富的海湾保守穆斯林君主国的关系更加密切。由于这些君主国对伊斯兰合作组织(Organisation of Islamic Cooperation)的财政支持,它们在该组织中行使着高度的控制权。
Political dynamics of Pakistan’s quest for pan-Islamic solidarity: the Indian dimension
Pakistan was sought as a separate state in the name of securing the interests and identity of Muslims within the Indian subcontinent. Its ideological identification with Islam and Muslims was reinforced by the disadvantages that it found itself having on its emergence in August 1947 in relation to its twin-born country, that is, India, in terms of name, size, resources and a history to draw upon. However, initially, its calling out for a degree of solidarity in the name of Islam had relatively limited success in the context of secular nationalist forces dominating the Muslim West Asia throughout the 1950s and first half of the 1960s. It was in the context of significant geopolitical and economic developments from the late 1960s and 1970s in the region that Pakistan was prompted to re-emphasise the Islamic dimension of its foreign policy, particularly within the framework of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation after its emergence in the late 1960s. It began to use its membership of this forum to undermine Indian positions and interests on a number of issues. It was particularly successful in getting its own position on Kashmir endorsed through various resolutions on the issue that were critical of the Indian position and policies in dealing with the political-cum-militant uprising in the state. However, a number of developments from the latter part of the 20th century, particularly after 11 September 2001 (9/11), introduced a number of fissures and irritants into the Arab-Islamic world that undermined the spirit of solidarity that had characterised the work of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation in its initial years of establishment. The changing context has considerably constrained Pakistani options in foreign, regional and domestic policies. Comparatively, in recent years, India has gained greater proximity with some of the oil-rich conservative Gulf Muslim monarchies that exercise a high degree of control in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation because of their financial support for it.
Global DiscourseSocial Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
4.10
自引率
6.70%
发文量
64
期刊介绍:
Global Discourse is an interdisciplinary, problem-oriented journal of applied contemporary thought operating at the intersection of politics, international relations, sociology and social policy. The journal’s scope is broad, encouraging interrogation of current affairs with regard to core questions of distributive justice, wellbeing, cultural diversity, autonomy, sovereignty, security and recognition. All issues are themed and aimed at addressing pressing issues as they emerge.