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Agency and its recognition in international relations 代理及其在国际关系中的认可
IF 1.5 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-08 DOI: 10.1332/20437897y2023d000000029
Heikki Ikäheimo
Recognition in general comes in many flavours, and so do desires and hopes for recognition. The same is true of recognition of agency in particular. In this short text, I will engage in some basic conceptual work that could be useful for thinking about the theme of this special issue. I will, first, distinguish between several forms of agency that matter in international relations (though not only there) and that can be either recognised or remain unrecognised. Second, I will reflect on what exactly it may mean to ‘recognise’ agency of these various kinds. Finally, I will discuss possible uses of the denial of agency in international relations.
一般来说,承认有很多种,对承认的渴望和希望也有很多种。尤其是对代理权的承认,也是如此。在这篇短文中,我将做一些基本的概念性工作,这些工作可能有助于思考本特刊的主题。首先,我将区分国际关系中的几种重要代理形式(尽管不仅仅是在国际关系中),它们既可以被承认,也可以不被承认。其次,我将思考 "承认 "这些不同形式的代理究竟意味着什么。最后,我将讨论否认代理在国际关系中的可能用途。
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引用次数: 0
Hyper-agency as the new norm of social recognition: notes on the neoliberal regime of recognition 超代理作为社会认可的新规范:关于新自由主义认可制度的说明
IF 1.5 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-08 DOI: 10.1332/20437897y2023d000000033
Haud Guéguen
The aim of this article is to examine the normative effects of neoliberalism on the social processes of recognition, or what we might call the ‘neoliberal regime of recognition’. The hypothesis defended here is that this new regime of recognition tends to make the norm of the ‘hyper-agency’ of the ‘hyper-subject’ the ideal norm to which one must conform in order to be socially recognised. As a result, there is a tendency to misrecognise and instrumentalise the radical vulnerability that underpins human beings’ vital need for recognition.
本文旨在研究新自由主义对社会认可过程的规范性影响,或者我们可以称之为 "新自由主义的认可制度"。本文提出的假设是,这种新的认可制度倾向于将 "超主体 "的 "超代理 "规范作为人们必须遵守的理想规范,以获得社会认可。因此,人们倾向于错误地认识和利用人的极端脆弱性,而这种脆弱性正是人类对认可的重要需求的基础。
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引用次数: 1
Illusions of independence: frustrated agency and the politics of great power (mis)recognition 独立的幻想:受挫的机构和大国(错误)承认的政治
IF 1.5 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-04 DOI: 10.1332/20437897y2023d000000031
Michelle Murray
How do declining great powers cope with a sudden loss of status? Great powers establish routinized relations of recognition to maintain and reproduce their status as great powers in the international sphere. During periods of structural change, when social norms and these routinized relations of recognition are in flux, the prospect of misrecognition is especially pronounced. Misrecognition leads to the experience of frustrated agency and ontological insecurity. In these scenarios, declining great powers assert agency over their status by anchoring their insecure identity in symbols that are expressive of their status as great powers. To illustrate this argument, the article considers France’s decision to develop an independent nuclear capability after the Second World War. Rather than an instrument of security, nuclear weapons gave France the illusion of an independent identity and offered ontological security.
衰落中的大国如何应对地位的突然丧失?大国建立常规化的承认关系,以维持和再现其在国际领域的大国地位。在结构变革时期,当社会规范和这些常规化的承认关系处于变动之中时,错误承认的前景尤为明显。误认会导致代理权受挫和本体论上的不安全感。在这些情况下,衰落中的大国通过将其不安全的身份固定在表达其大国地位的符号中,从而对其地位进行代理。为了说明这一论点,文章考虑了法国在第二次世界大战后发展独立核能力的决定。与其说核武器是一种安全工具,不如说它给了法国一种独立身份的错觉,并提供了本体论上的安全。
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引用次数: 1
Agentic misrecognition in world politics 世界政治中的代理人误认
IF 1.5 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1332/20437897y2023d000000028
S. Brincat, Thomas Lindemann
The phenomenon of misrecognition has been analysed under various angles by philosophy, political theory, sociology and lately also by international relations (IR). In IR, (mis)recognition is mainly understood as either status denial (i.e. denial of legal state recognition), inflated honor pretentions (including positive self-images, mythical narratives of the past, Great Power projections and so on), or as a denial of vital conditions necessary for identity, individuality, and freedom. There has been much theoretical work on the problem of inclusion/exclusion or the insider/outsider problem in IR and various empirical studies have shown that misrecognition can contribute to international conflict, international inequalities, (neo)colonialism, masculine domination, and limit the overall rationality of decision-making. However, what has been generally overlooked is the question of agency, the ‘who’ that is seeking and/or entitled to be an object and subject of recognition and how such exclusions and related pathologies result from forms of misrecognition. This introduction to Agentic Misrecognition in World Politics engages with some of the problems related to the question of (mis)recognition and agency in IR, the patterns of excluded recognition, and the normative conditions that pertain to these processes of (mis)recognition. It closes with a summation of the research articles and forum contributions to this volume.
哲学、政治理论、社会学以及最近的国际关系学(IR)从不同角度分析了 "错误承认 "现象。在国际关系学中,(误)承认主要被理解为对地位的否定(即对国家法律承认的否定)、对荣誉的夸大(包括积极的自我形象、过去的神话叙事、大国预测等),或者是对身份、个性和自由所必需的重要条件的否定。关于国际关系中的包容/排斥问题或局内/局外问题,已经有许多理论研究,各种实证研究也表明,错误的认识会助长国际冲突、国际不平等、(新)殖民主义、男性统治,并限制决策的整体合理性。然而,人们普遍忽视的是代理问题,即 "谁 "在寻求和/或有权成为承认的客体和主体,以及这种排斥和相关病症是如何由各种形式的错误承认造成的。这本《世界政治中的代理性误认》介绍了一些与国际关系中的(误)承认和代理问题相关的问题、被排斥承认的模式,以及与这些(误)承认过程相关的规范条件。最后,对本卷的研究文章和论坛文章进行了总结。
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引用次数: 1
‘Speaking proper French’: citizen bids for state recognition in Chad and Côte d’Ivoire 说正确的法语":乍得和科特迪瓦公民争取国家承认的斗争
IF 1.5 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1332/20437897y2023d000000030
Moudwe Daga, Julia Gallagher
Theories of international recognition posit that states’ identities are formed through dialogical relations with other states. However, they often overlook the ways in which weaker states’ struggles, constrained within the languages of the powerful, produce misrecognition and inhibit identity formation. This is the experience of many post-colonial francophone African states whose search for international recognition has been inhibited by their special relationship with France, their former coloniser. This article shows how such struggles for recognition can fail. It draws on two examples of francophone African countries, showing how their search for recognition sprung from the misrecognition of colonial experiences. Each has made explicit attempts to attract richer forms of state recognition through purposive acts but has continued to do so within post-colonial conditions. Using citizens’ understandings of these struggles, the article explores what drove them, how they manifested and how they unravelled. It draws on Frantz Fanon’s account of misrecognition, making a novel interpretation based on his concept of ‘speaking proper French’, or how experiences of ‘identity alienation’ can only produce further misrecognition.
国际承认理论认为,国家身份是通过与其他国家的对话关系形成的。然而,这些理论往往忽视了弱国在强国语言的限制下进行的斗争如何产生错误的承认并阻碍身份的形成。这就是许多后殖民时代非洲法语国家的经历,它们与前殖民者法国的特殊关系阻碍了它们寻求国际承认的努力。本文说明了这种争取承认的斗争是如何失败的。文章以两个非洲法语国家为例,说明它们是如何从对殖民经历的错误认识中寻求承认的。这两个国家都曾明确尝试通过有目的的行为来吸引更丰富的国家承认形式,但在后殖民条件下仍在继续这样做。文章利用公民对这些斗争的理解,探讨了推动这些斗争的原因、斗争的表现形式以及斗争的结局。文章借鉴了弗朗茨-法农(Frantz Fanon)关于 "误认"(misrecognition)的论述,根据他的 "说正确的法语"(speaking proper French)概念,或 "身份异化"(identity alienation)的经历如何只会产生进一步的误认,做出了新颖的解释。
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引用次数: 1
Agentic misrecognition in the global monetary system 全球货币体系中的代理人错误认识
IF 1.5 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-12-21 DOI: 10.1332/20437897y2023d000000026
John D. Feldmann
This article employs the framework of agentic misrecognition to explore the institutional dynamics and distinct forms of agency operative in the global monetary system. The analysis is framed by the concept of “political recognition,” exploring the relationship between the dominant actor and subordinate actors, and showing the complex ways by which misrecognition is performed through, as well as shaped by, the sociopolitical logics of the monetary system. It shows how with the employment of formalist methodologies, the dominant actor protects its status by misrecognizing and resisting pleas for greater concern and more coordination, seeing subordinates not as creative agents but as challenges to its dominance. The analysis also explores how and why subordinate members come to support the misrecognition scheme even though it perpetuates instability and systemic inequalities. Similar to most studies on recognition theory, this article pays close attention to the plight of the misrecognized, but the analysis is also concerned with understanding the underlying cause of the misrecognition scheme and how the dominant actor as misrecognizer contributes to dysfunctions in the monetary system. In demonstrating the underlying features of the misrecognition scheme, this critique challenges established theories and methodologies in the monetary sphere.
本文采用代理误认的框架来探讨全球货币体系中的制度动态和独特的代理形式。分析以 "政治认可 "的概念为框架,探讨了主导行为者与从属行为者之间的关系,并展示了通过货币体系的社会政治逻辑进行误认以及形成误认的复杂方式。分析表明,主导者如何利用形式主义方法论,通过误认和抵制更多关注和更多协调的请求来保护其地位,将从属者视为对其主导地位的挑战,而非创造性的推动者。分析还探讨了下属成员如何以及为何支持错误承认方案,即使该方案会使不稳定和系统性不平等永久化。与大多数关于承认理论的研究类似,本文密切关注被误认者的困境,但分析也关注于理解误认计划的根本原因,以及作为误认者的主导行为者如何导致货币体系功能失调。通过展示误认计划的基本特征,本评论对货币领域的既有理论和方法提出了挑战。
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引用次数: 0
(Un)Doing performative decolonisation in the global development ‘imaginaries’ of academia (在学术界的全球发展 "想象 "中(不)进行表演性非殖民化
IF 1.5 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-12-11 DOI: 10.1332/20437897y2023d000000010
_
In Western academic spaces, more and more stakeholders are claiming commitments to ‘decolonisation’. Yet in environments shaped by rankings, impact factors, citation numbers and third-party funding figures, what claims to be decolonial scholarship can easily end up being as extractive and violent as the subject it is claiming to confront. In this article, we reflect on attempts to decolonise both the discipline and practice of ‘development’, especially with regard to knowledge ‘production’ in this academic disciplinary space. We are doing this from a particular situatedness that is itself contradictory, as we are both facilitators of an EU-funded network focused on ‘Decolonising Development’ and of Convivial Thinking, a non-institutional, transnational web-based collective. We argue that imperial forms of knowing and making sense of the world are deeply entrenched in the structures of higher education, both shaping and limiting the ways in which what we call ‘development’ is researched, taught and practised. By reflecting on instances of academic activism and institutional pushback in both aforementioned networks, we show how institutional violence limits scholarly imaginations in ways that make sure academic or dominant knowledge structures are not radically challenged, thereby making claims of decolonisation purely performative. Despite this, we also point to concrete openings in both networks where undoing the entanglements of decolonising narratives, ‘development’ and the imperatives of scholarship – and thereby dismantling the master’s house that sustains it – seems within reach.
在西方学术领域,越来越多的利益相关者宣称致力于“去殖民化”。然而,在由排名、影响因子、引用数量和第三方资助数字塑造的环境中,那些自称非殖民主义的学术很容易以它声称要面对的主题一样的榨取和暴力告终。在这篇文章中,我们反思了“发展”的学科和实践的非殖民化的尝试,特别是在这个学术学科空间中关于知识“生产”的尝试。我们这样做的出发点本身就是矛盾的,因为我们既是欧盟资助的“非殖民化发展”网络的推动者,也是“欢乐思维”(一个非机构的、跨国的基于网络的集体)的推动者。我们认为,帝国式的认识和理解世界的方式在高等教育的结构中根深蒂固,既塑造了我们所谓的“发展”的研究、教学和实践方式,也限制了这种方式。通过反思上述两个网络中的学术激进主义和制度阻力的实例,我们展示了制度暴力如何以确保学术或主导知识结构不会受到根本挑战的方式限制学术想象,从而使非殖民化的主张纯粹是表演。尽管如此,我们也指出,在这两个网络中,解开非殖民化叙事、“发展”和学术的必要性之间的纠缠——从而拆除维持它的大师之家——似乎是触手可及的。
{"title":"(Un)Doing performative decolonisation in the global development ‘imaginaries’ of academia","authors":"_","doi":"10.1332/20437897y2023d000000010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/20437897y2023d000000010","url":null,"abstract":"In Western academic spaces, more and more stakeholders are claiming commitments to ‘decolonisation’. Yet in environments shaped by rankings, impact factors, citation numbers and third-party funding figures, what claims to be decolonial scholarship can easily end up being as extractive and violent as the subject it is claiming to confront. In this article, we reflect on attempts to decolonise both the discipline and practice of ‘development’, especially with regard to knowledge ‘production’ in this academic disciplinary space. We are doing this from a particular situatedness that is itself contradictory, as we are both facilitators of an EU-funded network focused on ‘Decolonising Development’ and of Convivial Thinking, a non-institutional, transnational web-based collective. We argue that imperial forms of knowing and making sense of the world are deeply entrenched in the structures of higher education, both shaping and limiting the ways in which what we call ‘development’ is researched, taught and practised. By reflecting on instances of academic activism and institutional pushback in both aforementioned networks, we show how institutional violence limits scholarly imaginations in ways that make sure academic or dominant knowledge structures are not radically challenged, thereby making claims of decolonisation purely performative. Despite this, we also point to concrete openings in both networks where undoing the entanglements of decolonising narratives, ‘development’ and the imperatives of scholarship – and thereby dismantling the master’s house that sustains it – seems within reach.","PeriodicalId":37814,"journal":{"name":"Global Discourse","volume":"9 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2023-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138584447","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Important, not impotent: Russia and the exercise of agency through the war in Ukraine 重要而非无能:俄罗斯与通过乌克兰战争行使代理权
IF 1.5 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-12-07 DOI: 10.1332/20437897y2023d000000027
Regina Heller
Russia’s open military aggression against Ukraine is a matter of agentic misrecognition rather than of classic rationalist considerations. Through the war in Ukraine, Russia exercises neglected agency and tries to reverse the feeling of marginalisation, irrelevance and status degradation in world politics. Russia’s war in Ukraine allows the current Russian leadership to escape from the stigma of an impotent power and to stabilise its identity as an important one, independent of Western norms and rules. Looking at Russia’s revisionism from the perspective of agentic misrecognition has some advantages. First, it helps in filling gaps that conventional interpretations and explanations of the war, found prominently in both public and academic discourses, leave open. These are problematic because they are too entrenched in positivist thinking and construct the world along essentialist concepts. Second, it allows room to understand the war as the result of a contingent process. In this process, it is not only the agency expectations of Russia’s leadership that play an important role but also the relational dynamics between Russia and the West and their impact on the further transformation of Russian identity constructions and self-descriptions.
俄罗斯对乌克兰的公开军事侵略是一种误认,而不是出于典型的理性主义考虑。通过乌克兰战争,俄罗斯发挥了被忽视的作用,并试图扭转在世界政治中被边缘化、无关紧要和地位下降的感觉。俄罗斯在乌克兰的战争使俄罗斯现任领导人摆脱了无能为力的耻辱,并稳定了其独立于西方规范和规则的重要地位。从主体误认的角度看待俄罗斯的修正主义具有一定的优势。首先,它有助于填补公众和学术话语中对战争的传统解释和解释留下的空白。这些都是有问题的,因为它们在实证主义思维中根深蒂固,并根据本质主义概念构建世界。第二,它允许把战争理解为偶然过程的结果。在这一过程中,不仅俄罗斯领导层的机构期望发挥了重要作用,而且俄罗斯与西方之间的关系动态及其对俄罗斯身份结构和自我描述的进一步转变的影响也发挥了重要作用。
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引用次数: 0
Ideology as misrecognition 作为错误认知的意识形态
IF 1.5 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-29 DOI: 10.1332/20437897y2023d000000025
Titus Stahl
Theories of recognition often acknowledge that some forms of recognition can be ideological. Only recently have authors also begun to ask whether all ideological phenomena involve a more basic form of misrecognition of epistemic agents. I argue that an expressivist reconstruction of the Marxian theory of ideology can help us to understand what forms of misrecognition are involved in ideology. According to this understanding, ideological discourses reflect the rules of hierarchical social practices and impose limits on the capacity of subjects to challenge dominant conceptual distinctions. While rational epistemic subjects will tend to experience such limits as misrecognition, this does not require any negative interpersonal attitudes on the part of others. Therefore, at least some forms of ideology involve primarily structural, rather than interpersonal, misrecognition. I argue that ideologies that persist without involving widespread false beliefs can best be understood in this way and that neoliberalism is a paradigmatic example of such an ideology.
关于承认的理论通常承认某些形式的承认可能是意识形态的。直到最近,才有学者开始追问,是否所有的意识形态现象都涉及认识论主体的一种更基本的误认形式。我认为,对马克思意识形态理论的表达主义重构可以帮助我们理解意识形态涉及哪些形式的误认。根据这种理解,意识形态话语反映了等级社会实践的规则,并对主体挑战主流概念区分的能力施加了限制。虽然理性的认识论主体会倾向于将这种限制体验为误认,但这并不需要他人采取任何消极的人际态度。因此,至少某些形式的意识形态主要涉及结构性误认,而非人际误认。我认为,意识形态如果不涉及广泛的错误信念而持续存在,就可以最好地用这种方式来理解,而新自由主义就是这种意识形态的典型例子。
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引用次数: 0
Designing a social policy initiative for greater cooperation: social dilemmas, behavioural game theory, motives, altruism and ethics 设计一项加强合作的社会政策倡议:社会困境、行为博弈论、动机、利他主义和道德规范
IF 1.5 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-22 DOI: 10.1332/20437897y2023d000000023
John Lazarus
Drawing on the experience of editing this special issue, I propose a method for developing the early stages of social policy interventions requiring cooperation, based on two phenomena foundational to approaching this challenge. I recommend that the first stage is methodological – the application of behavioural game theory – and that the second is analysis of a psychological process – the motivations of those involved. A potential third step is use of a toolbox of factors known to encourage cooperation that I discussed in my introductory article for the issue. Three further processes are important for social dilemma policy development: conditional cooperation, trust and feedback. I go on to discuss: the contrasting properties of selfish and altruistic motives for cooperating, particularly in terms of their sensitivity to influence; the long-term prospects for altruistically motivated cooperation; and ethical aspects of tackling societal dilemmas through bottom-up and top-down agents for change. Finally, I consider the current state of the relationship between behavioural science and social policy.
根据编辑本特刊的经验,我提出了一种方法,用于制定需要合作的社会政策干预措施的早期阶段,这种方法基于应对这一挑战的两个基本现象。我建议第一阶段是方法论阶段--行为博弈论的应用,第二阶段是心理过程分析--参与者的动机。可能的第三步是利用我在本期导读文章中讨论过的已知鼓励合作因素工具箱。还有三个过程对社会困境政策的制定非常重要:有条件的合作、信任和反馈。接下来,我将讨论:利己和利他合作动机的对比特性,尤其是它们对影响的敏感性;利他动机合作的长期前景;以及通过自下而上和自上而下的变革推动力解决社会困境的伦理问题。最后,我将探讨行为科学与社会政策之间关系的现状。
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引用次数: 0
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Global Discourse
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