越南,必要的战争:重新解读美国最灾难性的军事冲突

D. D. Murphey
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He would almost certainly not agree, but it is at that \"macro\" level that this reviewer sees the weakest parts of his book: (a) his discussion of the long-standing debate between \"minimal realists\" and \"maximal realists\" about international affairs, and (b) his tying into the thinking advanced by several social theorists that American attitudes and policies about military and world affairs has largely reflected the differing orientations of a long-existing ethnic regionalism in the United States. The weakness comes from the reductionism that is inherent in the positions of both types of \"realists\" and of the \"regionalists.\" Each focuses on a certain thing, albeit valuable in itself, while ignoring much else that is pertinent. This follows the antiseptic pattern of a fair portion of modern social theory, which formulates abstract cubby-holes that substitute, then, for a direct examination of the world in its complexity. Lind describes himself as a \"centrist\" with regard to the Vietnam War. But no label captures his thinking adequately, since his is too independent a mind to be neatly encapsulated. As one might expect a \"centrist\" would, he repeats certain shibboleths from today's conventional wisdom in the United States, which is left-liberal. He argues, for example, that the \"China hands\" whose advice led to the surrender of China to Mao in the late 1940s weren't Communist agents, as Senator Joseph McCarthy saw them, but just \"gullible dupes.\" This suggests, naively in light of the intellectual history of the 1920s and 1930s, that there was a distinction that was really meaningful between those members of the American intelligentsia who were active Communists and the many who for so many years simply carried on an impassioned love affair with \"the Soviet experiment.\" One of the odder manifestations of Lind's centrism is his opinion that the state-induced famines in the Soviet Union in 1932-33 and in China during the Great Leap Forward from 1958-62 were simply the \"unintended consequences\" of \"socialist economic policies.\" It is hard to believe that the starvation of several million people goes unnoticed by those who by deliberate policy put and then hold those millions in that position. Lind's mental independence leads him, however, to a great many valuable insights that are by no means simple reflections of the leftliberal worldview. These insights are so numerous that a brief discussion of some of them doesn't fully do the book justice: 1. The view is often voiced that President Nixon's rapprochement with Mao in 1972 was an outstanding stroke of foreign policy acumen a high point in Nixon's presidency that was overshadowed only by his later disgrace. Lind is courageous enough, though, to see through this, and to declare the rapprochement \"morally questionable.\" Mao, Lind knows, had already proved himself one of the great butchers of all time. Lind points out, too, that the rapprochement did not bear the fruit of causing Mao to stop Red China's abundant support of the Communist \"proxy war\" against the United States in Vietnam. 2. Unlike many, Lind has a realistic understanding of the nature of Soviet Communism (subject to what we noted above about his equivocation over the state-induced famine). He doesn't accept the idea that Communism was a noble experiment that was warped out of shape by \"Stalin's gangsterism or Mao's egomania\"; rather, he sees, as has become evident in recent historiography, that it was precisely Lenin's doctrines that produced the horrors. …","PeriodicalId":52486,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2003-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"6","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Vietnam, the Necessary War: A Reinterpretation of America's Most Disastrous Military Conflict\",\"authors\":\"D. D. 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Lind describes himself as a \\\"centrist\\\" with regard to the Vietnam War. But no label captures his thinking adequately, since his is too independent a mind to be neatly encapsulated. As one might expect a \\\"centrist\\\" would, he repeats certain shibboleths from today's conventional wisdom in the United States, which is left-liberal. He argues, for example, that the \\\"China hands\\\" whose advice led to the surrender of China to Mao in the late 1940s weren't Communist agents, as Senator Joseph McCarthy saw them, but just \\\"gullible dupes.\\\" This suggests, naively in light of the intellectual history of the 1920s and 1930s, that there was a distinction that was really meaningful between those members of the American intelligentsia who were active Communists and the many who for so many years simply carried on an impassioned love affair with \\\"the Soviet experiment.\\\" One of the odder manifestations of Lind's centrism is his opinion that the state-induced famines in the Soviet Union in 1932-33 and in China during the Great Leap Forward from 1958-62 were simply the \\\"unintended consequences\\\" of \\\"socialist economic policies.\\\" It is hard to believe that the starvation of several million people goes unnoticed by those who by deliberate policy put and then hold those millions in that position. 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引用次数: 6

摘要

越南,必要的战争。重新解读美国最具灾难性的军事冲突迈克尔·林德,西蒙与舒斯特出版社,1999年迈克尔·林德写了一本引人入胜且具有教育意义的书。它主要是关于越南战争的,但林德小心翼翼地把这场战争放在冷战时期世界战略的背景下,这是他应该做的。这是本书的一个优点(但也有缺点,原因我将解释),林德“追随他的思想”,试图触及仍在继续的关于战争的辩论的各个方面。他几乎肯定不会同意,但正是在这个“宏观”层面上,这位评论家看到了他的书中最薄弱的部分:(a)他讨论了关于国际事务的“最小现实主义者”和“最大现实主义者”之间长期存在的争论,(b)他结合了一些社会理论家提出的思想,即美国对军事和世界事务的态度和政策在很大程度上反映了美国长期存在的种族地区主义的不同取向。这种弱点来自于“现实主义者”和“地区主义者”两类立场中固有的还原论。每个人都专注于某一件事,尽管它本身很有价值,而忽略了其他很多相关的事情。这遵循了相当一部分现代社会理论的防腐模式,这些理论制定了抽象的小隔间,从而代替了对世界复杂性的直接检查。林德称自己在越南战争问题上是“中间派”。但没有任何标签能充分捕捉他的思想,因为他的思想过于独立,无法被整齐地概括。正如人们所期望的“中间派”一样,他重复了当今美国传统智慧中的某些陈词滥调,这是左翼自由主义。例如,他认为,在20世纪40年代末,那些建议导致中国向毛投降的“中国通”并非像参议员约瑟夫·麦卡锡(Joseph McCarthy)所认为的那样是共产党特工,而只是“容易上当受骗的傻瓜”。这表明,根据20世纪20年代和30年代的思想史,美国知识分子中活跃的共产主义者和许多多年来只是对“苏联实验”充满激情的人之间存在着一种真正有意义的区别。林德中间路线的一个更奇怪的表现是,他认为苏联1932- 1933年和中国1958- 1962年大跃进期间国家引发的饥荒仅仅是“社会主义经济政策”的“意外后果”。很难相信,那些通过刻意的政策让数百万人处于这种境地的人,对数百万人的饥饿视而不见。然而,林德思想上的独立使他得出了许多有价值的见解,这些见解绝不是左派自由主义世界观的简单反映。这些见解是如此之多,以至于对其中一些的简短讨论并不能完全体现本书的公正:视图通常是表示1972年尼克松总统与毛的和解是一个杰出的外交智慧在尼克松总统才被盖过了他后期的耻辱。然而,林德有足够的勇气看穿了这一点,并宣布这种和解“在道德上存在问题”。林德知道,毛已经证明了自己是有史以来最伟大的屠夫之一。林德还指出,这种和解并没有结出果实,毛没有阻止红色中国对共产党在越南反对美国的“代理人战争”的大量支持。与许多人不同,林德对苏联共产主义的本质有着现实的理解(除了我们上面提到的他对国家引发的饥荒的含糊其辞)。他不接受共产主义是一种高尚的实验,被“斯大林的强盗主义或毛的自大狂”扭曲了;相反,他认为,正如最近的史学所显示的那样,正是列宁的学说造成了恐怖。…
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Vietnam, the Necessary War: A Reinterpretation of America's Most Disastrous Military Conflict
Vietnam, The Necessary War. A Reinterpretation of America's Most Disastrous Military Conflict Michael Lind Simon & Schuster, 1999 Michael Lind has written a fascinating and instructive book. It is most specifically about the Vietnam War, but Lind takes care to place the war, as he should, in the context of world strategy during the Cold War. It is a strength (but also a weakness, for reasons I will explain) of the book that Lind has "followed his mind where it leads," seeking to touch on all facets of the still-continuing debate over the war. He would almost certainly not agree, but it is at that "macro" level that this reviewer sees the weakest parts of his book: (a) his discussion of the long-standing debate between "minimal realists" and "maximal realists" about international affairs, and (b) his tying into the thinking advanced by several social theorists that American attitudes and policies about military and world affairs has largely reflected the differing orientations of a long-existing ethnic regionalism in the United States. The weakness comes from the reductionism that is inherent in the positions of both types of "realists" and of the "regionalists." Each focuses on a certain thing, albeit valuable in itself, while ignoring much else that is pertinent. This follows the antiseptic pattern of a fair portion of modern social theory, which formulates abstract cubby-holes that substitute, then, for a direct examination of the world in its complexity. Lind describes himself as a "centrist" with regard to the Vietnam War. But no label captures his thinking adequately, since his is too independent a mind to be neatly encapsulated. As one might expect a "centrist" would, he repeats certain shibboleths from today's conventional wisdom in the United States, which is left-liberal. He argues, for example, that the "China hands" whose advice led to the surrender of China to Mao in the late 1940s weren't Communist agents, as Senator Joseph McCarthy saw them, but just "gullible dupes." This suggests, naively in light of the intellectual history of the 1920s and 1930s, that there was a distinction that was really meaningful between those members of the American intelligentsia who were active Communists and the many who for so many years simply carried on an impassioned love affair with "the Soviet experiment." One of the odder manifestations of Lind's centrism is his opinion that the state-induced famines in the Soviet Union in 1932-33 and in China during the Great Leap Forward from 1958-62 were simply the "unintended consequences" of "socialist economic policies." It is hard to believe that the starvation of several million people goes unnoticed by those who by deliberate policy put and then hold those millions in that position. Lind's mental independence leads him, however, to a great many valuable insights that are by no means simple reflections of the leftliberal worldview. These insights are so numerous that a brief discussion of some of them doesn't fully do the book justice: 1. The view is often voiced that President Nixon's rapprochement with Mao in 1972 was an outstanding stroke of foreign policy acumen a high point in Nixon's presidency that was overshadowed only by his later disgrace. Lind is courageous enough, though, to see through this, and to declare the rapprochement "morally questionable." Mao, Lind knows, had already proved himself one of the great butchers of all time. Lind points out, too, that the rapprochement did not bear the fruit of causing Mao to stop Red China's abundant support of the Communist "proxy war" against the United States in Vietnam. 2. Unlike many, Lind has a realistic understanding of the nature of Soviet Communism (subject to what we noted above about his equivocation over the state-induced famine). He doesn't accept the idea that Communism was a noble experiment that was warped out of shape by "Stalin's gangsterism or Mao's egomania"; rather, he sees, as has become evident in recent historiography, that it was precisely Lenin's doctrines that produced the horrors. …
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Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies
Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
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期刊介绍: The quarterly Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies (ISSN 0193-5941), which has been published regularly since 1976, is a peer-reviewed academic journal devoted to scholarly papers which present in depth information on contemporary issues of primarily international interest. The emphasis is on factual information rather than purely theoretical or historical papers, although it welcomes an historical approach to contemporary situations where this serves to clarify the causal background to present day problems.
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