古代晚期、伊斯兰教和第一个千年:欧亚视角

Q4 Social Sciences Millennium DIPr Pub Date : 2016-02-01 DOI:10.1515/MILL-2016-0002
Garth Fowden
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引用次数: 2

摘要

自1970年以来,《千禧年》所涵盖的时期:《文化年鉴》和《文化年鉴》。它经历了两次重大的史学转变,这是它独有的,即“古代晚期”的兴起和早期伊斯兰研究的蓬勃发展。关于伊斯兰教起源的大致时间和地点没有(有充分根据的)分歧;但上古时代晚期的界限仍然不确定。罗马帝国在三世纪与萨珊人和日耳曼人的战争中从元首制向统治制的痛苦转变,以及六世纪基督教东罗马的查士丁尼式巩固,通常被认为是第四和第五世纪的核心。公元600年是一个被广泛接受的终点,与格列高利大帝改革教皇的时间一致,也是东罗马和萨珊王朝之间最后一次也是最危险的战争的开始,导致前者的惨败,后者在629年之后被阿拉伯半岛出现的穆斯林军队所消灭。乍一看,这样的大灾难确实意味着一个时代的结束,考虑到它给幸存的东罗马残余带来的文化视野的缩小,以及一个新帝国——哈里发的出现。然而,考虑到古代历史学家对从马拉松到普拉提亚的波斯战争(公元前490-79年)以及罗马与其东部邻国从卡雷开始的战争(公元前53年)所赋予的象征意义,将603年至628年的最后一次、也是最具戏剧性的遭遇排除在经典叙事之外是不合理的。难道再加上这额外的三十年,就会使人如此接近阿拉伯人的入侵,以至于他们的《古兰经》灵感变得不可忽视,因此不可避免地要研究吗?而这些战争催生的哈里发政权:在许多方面,它不是在新的管理下延续了早期帝国,就像它的宗教伊斯兰教回应了早期圣经中的一神论,犹太教和基督教一样?没有人怀疑历史分期的便利性和必要性。也没有确立的分类的有效性和有用性:(晚期)古代,中世纪早期,拜占庭/东罗马,萨珊伊朗,早期伊斯兰教。然而,公元600年的边界似乎是足够多孔的,早期伊斯兰世界在“空的Ḥijāz”中无法充分解释孤雌生殖1,这是一个可以利用的案例,与现有的惯例一起
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Late Antiquity, Islam, and the First Millennium: A Eurasian perspective
Since 1970, the period covered by Millennium: Jahrbuch zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausends n.Chr. has seen two major historiographical shifts that are distinctive to it, and it alone, namely the rise of ‘late Antiquity’ and the flowering of early Islamic studies. There is no (well-founded) disagreement about roughly when and where Islam started; but late Antiquity’s boundaries remain fluid. The Roman Empire’s painful third-century transition from Principate to Dominate amidst war against Sasanids and Germans, and the sixth century’s Justinianic consolidation of Christian East Rome, have often been attached to the core fourth and fifth centuries. A terminus c.600 is widely accepted, coinciding with Gregory the Great’s reforming papacy, and the start of the last and most dangerous war between East Rome and the Sasanids, leading to the former’s crushing defeat and the latter’s annihilation by Muslim armies emerging unforeseen from Arabia after 629. Such a cataclysm does at first sight suggest the end of an epoch, considering also the narrowing of cultural horizon it imposed on the surviving East Roman rump, and the emergence of a new empire, the caliphate. Yet, given the symbolism ancient historians attach to the Persian Wars from Marathon to Plataea (490–79 BCE), and to Rome’s wars with its eastern neighbour starting at Carrhae (53 BCE), it is perverse to exclude the last, most dramatic of these encounters, running from 603 to 628, from the canonical narrative. Is it that adding those extra three decades would bring one so close to the Arab invasions that their Qurʾanic inspiration would become impossible to ignore, and therefore unavoidable to study? And the caliphate these wars spawned: did it not, in many respects, perpetuate the earlier empires under new management, just as its religion, Islam, responded to the earlier scriptural monotheisms, Judaism and Christianity? Nobody doubts the convenience and indeed necessity of historical periodizations. Nor the validity and usefulness of the well-established categories: (late) Antiquity, early Middle Ages, Byzantium/East Rome, Sasanid Iran, early Islam. It appears, though, that the boundary at c.600 is sufficiently porous, and the world of early Islam insufficiently explicable in terms of parthenogenesis within an ‘Empty Ḥijāz’,1 that there is a case to be made, alongside existing conventions, for exploiting
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Millennium DIPr
Millennium DIPr Social Sciences-Law
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