变化世界中的代际经济学

Ronald D. Lee, A. Mason
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摘要

人类狩猎采集者进化出了一种生活策略,包括在几代之内和几代之间广泛分享食物和支持,这种社会行为与维持这种复杂的社会性所需的认知和情感心理机制共同进化。所有年龄段的成年人都会产生多余的食物,这些食物会向下转移给儿童,以支持他们长期的营养依赖,直到20岁左右。在长期的经济发展和较短的人口转型期间,代际关系与不断变化的环境相互作用,包括人口年龄分布、生命周期行为、技术和制度安排的变化。在土地丰富的自给农业时期,可能也存在类似的模式,但在集约化农业中,也许是由于他们对土地的产权,老年人在部分退休阶段成为净消费者,他们的生活部分是由成年子女的粮食转移维持的。与此同时,资产总体上变得更加重要——土地、建筑物、各种各样的财产。这些资产为老年人在退休后提供了另一种养活自己的手段。随着农业让位给工业,这些趋势还在继续,退休时间也更早、更彻底。公共部门的增长加强了向下转移的模式,包括公共教育和儿童保健。然而,随着国家工业化和福利国家的发展,向老年人转移养老金和医疗保健变得越来越重要,人口老龄化加剧了财政效应。与此同时,资本和金融机构的增长与私人养老金一起提供了新的资产积累形式。这两种趋势削弱了家庭在赡养老年人方面的作用。我们进化的社会和分享与公平的伦理现在通过福利国家的再分配计划,以及持续和加强对儿童的公共和私人投资来表达。但现在人口老龄化,与公共老年项目相互作用,导致了跨年龄资源流动方向的逆转,从向下(老年人到年轻人)到向上(年轻人到老年人)。我们目前既能投资于年轻人,又能照顾新近需要赡养的老年人。然而,预计在未来几十年里,富裕工业国家的老年抚养比率将增加一倍或两倍。由于公共部门预算的限制,老年人的公共费用可能越来越多地与对儿童的投资竞争。在新的公共政策的背景下,老年人是否会选择工作到更老的年龄,以及医疗保健支出的快速增长是否会受到限制,这些都有待观察。
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Generational Economics in a Changing World
Human hunter-gatherers evolved a life strategy that involved extensive sharing of food and support within and across generations, social behaviors that coevolved with the cognitive and emotional mental apparatus needed to sustain such sophisticated sociality. Adults at all ages produced surplus food which was transferred downwards to children, to support their prolonged period of nutritional dependency, until around age 20. Over a long period of economic development, and a shorter period of demographic transition, generational relations interacted with the changing environment, including changing population age distributions, life cycle behavior, technologies, and institutional arrangements. Similar patterns may have held during land abundant subsistence agriculture, but in intensive agriculture, perhaps due to their property rights in land, the elderly became net consumers in a stage of partial retirement, when they were sustained in part by food transfers from their adult children. At the same time, assets in general became more important – land, buildings, property of all sorts. These assets provided an alternative means for the elderly to support themselves in retirement. These trends continued as agriculture gave way to industry, with retirement earlier and more complete. The growth of a public sector reinforced the pattern of downward transfers with public education and health care for children. However, as states industrialized and the welfare state grew, transfers to the elderly for pensions and health care became increasingly important, with a fiscal effect exacerbated by population aging. At the same time, the growth of capital and financial institutions provided new forms of asset accumulation along with private pensions. These two trends reduced the role of the family in providing for the elderly. Our evolved sociality and ethic of sharing and fairness is now expressed through welfare state redistributive programs, and continuing and intensifying public and private investment in children. But now population aging, interacting with the public programs for the elderly, has led to a reversal in the direction of resource flows across age, from downward (old to young) to upward (young to old). We are currently able both to invest in the young and care for the newly dependent elderly. However, the old age dependency ratio is projected to double or triple in coming decades in the rich industrial countries. The public costs of the elderly may increasingly compete with investments in children through the public sector budget constraint. It remains to be seen whether the elderly, in the context of new public policies, will opt to work until substantially older ages, and whether the rapid growth of health care expenditures will be restrained.
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