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引用次数: 0

摘要

通过完全由国家控制的媒体和广播,在南方的干预则更加零散。统一后,最初的语言攻击已经让位于对传统主义和西方影响的半容忍——不是两个计划者阵营之间的斗争,而是共产主义计划者和一系列计划外力量之间的斗争。Boeschoeten对土耳其语改革的进程进行了深思熟虑的分析:西方主义的不断涌入,以及“外国”和“本土”的结合(这无疑是一个至关重要的现象),除了知识分子外,似乎没有人会感到困扰,而凯末尔主义的民粹主义学说几乎未能将当地方言纳入标准语言;另一方面,伊斯兰组织并没有使用语言作为武器,他们是否能够使用语言也令人怀疑。与此同时,Boeschoeten呼吁对学校教师的态度和实践进行研究——这无疑是大多数语言规划研究中存在的一个明显缺陷。即使在语言规划这样一个充满政治色彩的领域,编辑和出版商也有责任排除明显误导或有倾向性的材料。关于阿以谈判对阿拉伯冲突术语的影响的那一章充斥着反以色列的谩骂和政治姿态,这让人很难对其社会语言学的主张有任何信心。咆哮者比比皆是:对于19世纪晚期的“世界上的犹太人”来说,希伯来语不是“外语”,但对大多数男性来说,希伯来语是一种传统的书面语言,实际上很多人都能用它交谈。对于今天阿拉伯人的希伯来语知识,它远不局限于(第419页)“1948年以前在巴勒斯坦生活和工作的一些老人”,“囚犯……和“专家”——参见,例如,Amara和Spolsky,“以色列村庄阿拉伯语口语中希伯来语和英语词汇项目的扩散和整合”,《人类学语言学》,1986年第28期,43-54页。至于作者声称(第423页)“潜在的犹太意识形态一直是让土地不受阿拉伯人和阿拉伯人的影响”,他们(毫不奇怪)无法引用任何以色列的文件来证明这一点;人们不禁要问,他们是否知道以色列有阿拉伯语学校系统。正如每个编辑应该做的那样,克莱因通过分析一个“撤销语料库计划”的一般模型来完成本书,在这个模型中,他解决了诸如什么导致了撤销,什么阻碍了撤销,以及时间维度是如何变化的等问题。我发现他对语言情境的五种分类的尝试没有启发,甚至令人困惑,他的结论的理论范围相当有限。最有趣的是他关于权威来源的主张:(a)并非所有的规划都是自上而下的,因此土耳其的净化大量使用协商程序;(b)媒体和学校往往是最成功的,例如土耳其、挪威;(c)语言规划往往是政治民主化或激进主义的一部分,如在乌克兰和尼加拉瓜;(d)出于民粹主义或种族主义的原因,极权主义的语言规划往往特别纯粹。更正:第481页,1。(4)应读(3)。
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General
out via the totally state-controlled press and broadcasting, in the South intervention was more patchy. After reunification, an initial linguistic assault has given way to a semitolerance of traditionalistic and Western influences—not, pace Nguyen, a struggle between two camps of planners but one between Communist planners and an array of unplanned forces. The running down of the Turkish language reform is thoughtfully analysed by Boeschoeten: the growing influx of Westernisms and (surely a crucial phenonemon) the combination of ' foreign' and ' native' seems to bother no one except intellectuals, while the Kemalist doctrine of populism has all but failed to bring local dialects into the standard language; on the other hand, Islamic groups have not used language as a weapon and it is doubtful if they could. Meanwhile, Boeschoeten calls for study of the attitudes and practices of school teachers—a glaring gap, surely, in most work on language planning. Even in so politically charged a field as language planning, it is an editor's and publisher's duty to exclude patently misinformed or tendentious material. The chapter on the impact of Arab-Israeli negotiations on Arabic conflict terminology is riddled with anti-Israeli diatribes and political posturing, which hardly gives one any confidence in its sociolinguistic claims. Howlers abound: for ' the Jews of the world' in the late nineteenth century, Hebrew was not ' a foreign language' but, for most males, a heritage written language, indeed many were quite capable of conversing in it. For the Hebrew knowledge among Arabs today, it is far from limited (p. 419) to 'some old people who had lived and worked in Palestine before 1948', 'prisoners ... in Israeli camps' and ' specialists'—see, e.g., Amara and Spolsky, 'The diffusion and integration of Hebrew and English lexical items in the spoken Arabic of an Israeli village', Anthropological Linguistics 28, 1986, 43-54. As for the authors' claim (p. 423) that ' the underlying Jewish ideology has always been to have the land free from Arabs and Arabic', they are (not surprisingly) unable to cite any Israeli documentation to this effect; one wonders if they are even aware of the existence of an Arabic-medium school system in Israel. As every editor should, Clyne rounds off the volume by essaying a general model, of' undoing corpus planning', in which he addresses such questions as what gave rise to the undoing, what obstructed it, and how did the time dimension vary? I found his attempt at a fiveway categorization of language situations unenlightening and even confusing, and the theoretical scope of his conclusions rather limited. Most interesting are his claims concerning sources of authority: (a) not all planning is top-down, thus Turkish purification made much use of consultative processes; (b) it is often the media and schools that are most successful, e.g., Turkey, Norway; (c) language planning is often part of political democratization or radicalism, as in Ukraine and Sandanistan Nicaragua; (d) totalitarian language planning tends to be particularly puristic—for populist or racist reasons. Corrigendum: p. 481, 1. 4: (4) should read (3).
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