属地性与F子部分的初衷

R. Avi-Yonah
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摘要

2017年4月26日,特朗普总统发布了一份一页的税收改革大纲,其中包括“属地性”,即免除受控外国公司非F部分收入的税收股息。领土问题也包括在众议院共和党的“更好的方式”蓝图中,得到了奥巴马政府的支持,并在2016年由参议员罗伯·波特曼(共和党-俄亥俄州)和查克·舒默(民主党-纽约州)提出的两党立法中得到了支持。因此,在所有当前的税改提案中,它可能最有可能获得通过,尤其是考虑到它与对美国跨国公司过去的离岸收益征收一定的税收有关。在哈佛法学院图书馆调查Stanley Surrey论文的过程中,我发现了一份有趣的文件,可以阐明子部分F的“初衷”及其与领土的关系。该文件显示,在萨里看来,子部分F的目的主要是防止利润从美国转移到低税收的外国司法管辖区,如瑞士。为了实现CEN,保护诺克斯堡的黄金储备,并防止对美国来源收入不征税,这项任务是必要的。整个过程的重点是外国的低税收水平,因为在没有这么低的税收水平的情况下,递延不会赋予有意义的税收优惠,也不会违反CEN,造成国际收支问题,或导致税基侵蚀和利润转移出美国。地域性将使利润转移问题恶化,因为它解除了目前唯一的限制,即难以将离岸收入汇回国内。萨里会对苹果、亚马逊、谷歌、Facebook和微软目前的能力感到震惊,因为这些公司正在做他在1961年反对的事情,即在不触发美国税收的情况下,从避税天堂的氟氯化碳中“授权美国创造的专利和技术”。理想情况下,我们应该重新开始,采纳萨里1961年提出的废除延期的建议。但既然这在政治上似乎是不可能的(尽管总统在竞选期间提出了这一建议),我们至少应该像其他所有制定了CFC规则的经合组织国家所做的那样——将属地性与强有力的最低税收规定结合起来,要么明确规定,要么将某些国家列为避税天堂。这将为美国和外国跨国公司之间“创造公平的竞争环境”,而不是目前的属地性提案。
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Territoriality and the Original Intent of Subpart F
On April 26, 2017, President Trump issued a one-page tax reform outline that included “territoriality,” i.e., exempting from tax dividends from the non-Subpart F income of controlled foreign corporations. Territoriality is also included in the House GOP “Better Way” Blueprint and was supported by the Obama Administration and in bipartisan legislation introduced in 2016 by Senators Rob Portman (R-OH) and Chuck Schumer (D-NY). Thus, of all the current tax reform proposals, it may have the best chance of being enacted, especially given that it is linked with imposing some tax on the past offshore earnings of US multinationals. In the course of investigating the Stanley Surrey papers at the Harvard Law School Library, I discovered an interesting document that can shed some light on the “original intent” of Subpart F and its relation to territoriality. The document shows that in Surrey’s view, the purpose of Subpart F was primarily to prevent shifting of profits from the US to low-tax foreign jurisdictions such as Switzerland. This task is needed to achieve CEN, protect the gold reserves in Fort Knox, and prevent non-taxation of US source income. The emphasis throughout is on the low tax level in the foreign country, because in the absence of such a low tax level, deferral does not confer meaningful tax benefits, and does not violate CEN, create balance of payments problems, or induce base erosion and profit shifting out of the US. Territoriality would exacerbate the profit-shifting problem by lifting the only current constraint on it, which is the difficulty of repatriating the offshore income. Surrey would be appalled at the current ability of Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook and Microsoft to do exactly what he opposed in 1961, namely “license United States created patents and know-how” from tax haven CFCs without triggering US tax. Ideally, we should go back to the drawing board and adopt Surrey’s original 1961 proposal to abolish deferral. But since that seems politically impossible (even though the president proposed it during his campaign), we should at least do what every other OECD country that has CFC rules has done- combine territoriality with a strong minimum tax provision, either explicitly or by listing certain countries as tax havens. That, and not the current territoriality proposals, would “level the playing field” between US and foreign multinationals.
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